A	>>	B	>>	C	>>	D	>>	E
F	>>	G	>>	H	>>	I	>>	J
K	>>	L	>>	M	>>	N	>>	O
P	>>	R	>>	S	>>	T	>>	U
V	>>	W	>>			X	>>	Z

N. H. Bishop - "Voyage of The Paper Canoe"

Hawthorne - "The Scarlet Letter"

Tobias Smollett - "The Expedition of Humphry Clinker"

Arthur Hugh Clough - "Amours de Voyage"

The History of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire

E >> Edward Gibbon >> The History of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire




[Footnote 84: The Christians and Pagans agreed in believing that
the sedition of Antioch was excited by the daemons. A gigantic
woman (says Sozomen, l. vii. c. 23) paraded the streets with a
scourge in her hand. An old man, says Libanius, (Orat. xii. p.
396,) transformed himself into a youth, then a boy, &c.]

[Footnote 85: Zosimus, in his short and disingenuous account, (l.
iv. p. 258, 259,) is certainly mistaken in sending Libanius
himself to Constantinople. His own orations fix him at Antioch.]
[Footnote 86: Libanius (Orat. i. p. 6, edit. Venet.) declares,
that under such a reign the fear of a massacre was groundless and
absurd, especially in the emperor's absence, for his presence,
according to the eloquent slave, might have given a sanction to
the most bloody acts.]

[Footnote 87: Laodicea, on the sea-coast, sixty-five miles from
Antioch, (see Noris Epoch. Syro-Maced. Dissert. iii. p. 230.)
The Antiochians were offended, that the dependent city of
Seleucia should presume to intercede for them.]

[Footnote 88: As the days of the tumult depend on the movable
festival of Easter, they can only be determined by the previous
determination of the year. The year 387 has been preferred, after
a laborious inquiry, by Tillemont (Hist. des. Emp. tom. v. p. 741
- 744) and Montfaucon, (Chrysostom, tom. xiii. p. 105 - 110.)]
[Footnote 89: Chrysostom opposes their courage, which was not
attended with much risk, to the cowardly flight of the Cynics.]
[Footnote 90: The sedition of Antioch is represented in a lively,
and almost dramatic, manner by two orators, who had their
respective shares of interest and merit. See Libanius (Orat.
xiv. xv. p. 389 - 420, edit. Morel. Orat. i. p. 1 - 14, Venet.
1754) and the twenty orations of St. John Chrysostom, de Statuis,
(tom. ii. p. 1 - 225, edit. Montfaucon.) I do not pretend to much
personal acquaintance with Chrysostom but Tillemont (Hist. des.
Empereurs, tom. v. p. 263 - 283) and Hermant (Vie de St.
Chrysostome, tom. i. p. 137 - 224) had read him with pious
curiosity and diligence.]

The sedition of Thessalonica is ascribed to a more shameful
cause, and was productive of much more dreadful consequences.
That great city, the metropolis of all the Illyrian provinces,
had been protected from the dangers of the Gothic war by strong
fortifications and a numerous garrison. Botheric, the general of
those troops, and, as it should seem from his name, a Barbarian,
had among his slaves a beautiful boy, who excited the impure
desires of one of the charioteers of the Circus. The insolent
and brutal lover was thrown into prison by the order of Botheric;
and he sternly rejected the importunate clamors of the multitude,
who, on the day of the public games, lamented the absence of
their favorite; and considered the skill of a charioteer as an
object of more importance than his virtue. The resentment of the
people was imbittered by some previous disputes; and, as the
strength of the garrison had been drawn away for the service of
the Italian war, the feeble remnant, whose numbers were reduced
by desertion, could not save the unhappy general from their
licentious fury. Botheric, and several of his principal
officers, were inhumanly murdered; their mangled bodies were
dragged about the streets; and the emperor, who then resided at
Milan, was surprised by the intelligence of the audacious and
wanton cruelty of the people of Thessalonica. The sentence of a
dispassionate judge would have inflicted a severe punishment on
the authors of the crime; and the merit of Botheric might
contribute to exasperate the grief and indignation of his master.

The fiery and choleric temper of Theodosius was impatient of the
dilatory forms of a judicial inquiry; and he hastily resolved,
that the blood of his lieutenant should be expiated by the blood
of the guilty people. Yet his mind still fluctuated between the
counsels of clemency and of revenge; the zeal of the bishops had
almost extorted from the reluctant emperor the promise of a
general pardon; his passion was again inflamed by the flattering
suggestions of his minister Rufinus; and, after Theodosius had
despatched the messengers of death, he attempted, when it was too
late, to prevent the execution of his orders. The punishment of a
Roman city was blindly committed to the undistinguishing sword of
the Barbarians; and the hostile preparations were concerted with
the dark and perfidious artifice of an illegal conspiracy. The
people of Thessalonica were treacherously invited, in the name of
their sovereign, to the games of the Circus; and such was their
insatiate avidity for those amusements, that every consideration
of fear, or suspicion, was disregarded by the numerous
spectators. As soon as the assembly was complete, the soldiers,
who had secretly been posted round the Circus, received the
signal, not of the races, but of a general massacre. The
promiscuous carnage continued three hours, without discrimination
of strangers or natives, of age or sex, of innocence or guilt;
the most moderate accounts state the number of the slain at seven
thousand; and it is affirmed by some writers that more than
fifteen thousand victims were sacrificed to the names of
Botheric. A foreign merchant, who had probably no concern in his
murder, offered his own life, and all his wealth, to supply the
place of one of his two sons; but, while the father hesitated
with equal tenderness, while he was doubtful to choose, and
unwilling to condemn, the soldiers determined his suspense, by
plunging their daggers at the same moment into the breasts of the
defenceless youths. The apology of the assassins, that they were
obliged to produce the prescribed number of heads, serves only to
increase, by an appearance of order and design, the horrors of
the massacre, which was executed by the commands of Theodosius.
The guilt of the emperor is aggravated by his long and frequent
residence at Thessalonica. The situation of the unfortunate
city, the aspect of the streets and buildings, the dress and
faces of the inhabitants, were familiar, and even present, to his
imagination; and Theodosius possessed a quick and lively sense of
the existence of the people whom he destroyed. ^91
[Footnote 91: The original evidence of Ambrose, (tom. ii. Epist.
li. p. 998.) Augustin, (de Civitat. Dei, v. 26,) and Paulinus,
(in Vit. Ambros. c. 24,) is delivered in vague expressions of
horror and pity. It is illustrated by the subsequent and unequal
testimonies of Sozomen, (l. vii. c. 25,) Theodoret, (l. v. c.
17,) Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 62,) Cedrenus, (p. 317,) and
Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 34.) Zosimus alone, the partial
enemy of Theodosius, most unaccountably passes over in silence
the worst of his actions.]
The respectful attachment of the emperor for the orthodox
clergy, had disposed him to love and admire the character of
Ambrose; who united all the episcopal virtues in the most eminent
degree. The friends and ministers of Theodosius imitated the
example of their sovereign; and he observed, with more surprise
than displeasure, that all his secret counsels were immediately
communicated to the archbishop; who acted from the laudable
persuasion, that every measure of civil government may have some
connection with the glory of God, and the interest of the true
religion. The monks and populace of Callinicum, ^* an obscure
town on the frontier of Persia, excited by their own fanaticism,
and by that of their bishop, had tumultuously burnt a conventicle
of the Valentinians, and a synagogue of the Jews. The seditious
prelate was condemned, by the magistrate of the province, either
to rebuild the synagogue, or to repay the damage; and this
moderate sentence was confirmed by the emperor. But it was not
confirmed by the archbishop of Milan. ^92 He dictated an epistle
of censure and reproach, more suitable, perhaps, if the emperor
had received the mark of circumcision, and renounced the faith of
his baptism. Ambrose considers the toleration of the Jewish, as
the persecution of the Christian, religion; boldly declares that
he himself, and every true believer, would eagerly dispute with
the bishop of Callinicum the merit of the deed, and the crown of
martyrdom; and laments, in the most pathetic terms, that the
execution of the sentence would be fatal to the fame and
salvation of Theodosius. As this private admonition did not
produce an immediate effect, the archbishop, from his pulpit, ^93
publicly addressed the emperor on his throne; ^94 nor would he
consent to offer the oblation of the altar, till he had obtained
from Theodosius a solemn and positive declaration, which secured
the impunity of the bishop and monks of Callinicum. The
recantation of Theodosius was sincere; ^95 and, during the term
of his residence at Milan, his affection for Ambrose was
continually increased by the habits of pious and familiar
conversation.

[Footnote *: Raeca, on the Euphrates - M.]

[Footnote 92: See the whole transaction in Ambrose, (tom. ii.
Epist. xl. xli. p. 950 - 956,) and his biographer Paulinus, (c.
23.) Bayle and Barbeyrac (Morales des Peres, c. xvii. p. 325,
&c.) have justly condemned the archbishop.]

[Footnote 93: His sermon is a strange allegory of Jeremiah's rod,
of an almond tree, of the woman who washed and anointed the feet
of Christ. But the peroration is direct and personal.]

[Footnote 94: Hodie, Episcope, de me proposuisti. Ambrose
modestly confessed it; but he sternly reprimanded Timasius,
general of the horse and foot, who had presumed to say that the
monks of Callinicum deserved punishment.]
[Footnote 95: Yet, five years afterwards, when Theodosius was
absent from his spiritual guide, he tolerated the Jews, and
condemned the destruction of their synagogues. Cod. Theodos. l.
xvi. tit. viii. leg. 9, with Godefroy's Commentary, tom. vi. p.
225.]

When Ambrose was informed of the massacre of Thessalonica,
his mind was filled with horror and anguish. He retired into the
country to indulge his grief, and to avoid the presence of
Theodosius. But as the archbishop was satisfied that a timid
silence would render him the accomplice of his guilt, he
represented, in a private letter, the enormity of the crime;
which could only be effaced by the tears of penitence. The
episcopal vigor of Ambrose was tempered by prudence; and he
contented himself with signifying ^96 an indirect sort of
excommunication, by the assurance, that he had been warned in a
vision not to offer the oblation in the name, or in the presence,
of Theodosius; and by the advice, that he would confine himself
to the use of prayer, without presuming to approach the altar of
Christ, or to receive the holy eucharist with those hands that
were still polluted with the blood of an innocent people. The
emperor was deeply affected by his own reproaches, and by those
of his spiritual father; and after he had bewailed the
mischievous and irreparable consequences of his rash fury, he
proceeded, in the accustomed manner, to perform his devotions in
the great church of Milan. He was stopped in the porch by the
archbishop; who, in the tone and language of an ambassador of
Heaven, declared to his sovereign, that private contrition was
not sufficient to atone for a public fault, or to appease the
justice of the offended Deity. Theodosius humbly represented,
that if he had contracted the guilt of homicide, David, the man
after God's own heart, had been guilty, not only of murder, but
of adultery. "You have imitated David in his crime, imitate then
his repentance," was the reply of the undaunted Ambrose. The
rigorous conditions of peace and pardon were accepted; and the
public penance of the emperor Theodosius has been recorded as one
of the most honorable events in the annals of the church.
According to the mildest rules of ecclesiastical discipline,
which were established in the fourth century, the crime of
homicide was expiated by the penitence of twenty years: ^97 and
as it was impossible, in the period of human life, to purge the
accumulated guilt of the massacre of Thessalonica, the murderer
should have been excluded from the holy communion till the hour
of his death. But the archbishop, consulting the maxims of
religious policy, granted some indulgence to the rank of his
illustrious penitent, who humbled in the dust the pride of the
diadem; and the public edification might be admitted as a weighty
reason to abridge the duration of his punishment. It was
sufficient, that the emperor of the Romans, stripped of the
ensigns of royalty, should appear in a mournful and suppliant
posture; and that, in the midst of the church of Milan, he should
humbly solicit, with sighs and tears, the pardon of his sins. ^98
In this spiritual cure, Ambrose employed the various methods of
mildness and severity. After a delay of about eight months,
Theodosius was restored to the communion of the faithful; and the
edict which interposes a salutary interval of thirty days between
the sentence and the execution, may be accepted as the worthy
fruits of his repentance. ^99 Posterity has applauded the
virtuous firmness of the archbishop; and the example of
Theodosius may prove the beneficial influence of those
principles, which could force a monarch, exalted above the
apprehension of human punishment, to respect the laws, and
ministers, of an invisible Judge. "The prince," says Montesquieu,
"who is actuated by the hopes and fears of religion, may be
compared to a lion, docile only to the voice, and tractable to
the hand, of his keeper." ^100 The motions of the royal animal
will therefore depend on the inclination, and interest, of the
man who has acquired such dangerous authority over him; and the
priest, who holds in his hands the conscience of a king, may
inflame, or moderate, his sanguinary passions. The cause of
humanity, and that of persecution, have been asserted, by the
same Ambrose, with equal energy, and with equal success.
[Footnote 96: Ambros. tom. ii. Epist. li. p. 997 - 1001. His
epistle is a miserable rhapsody on a noble subject. Ambrose
could act better than he could write. His compositions are
destitute of taste, or genius; without the spirit of Tertullian,
the copious elegance of Lactantius the lively wit of Jerom, or
the grave energy of Augustin.]

[Footnote 97: According to the discipline of St. Basil, (Canon
lvi.,) the voluntary homicide was four years a mourner; five a
hearer; seven in a prostrate state; and four in a standing
posture. I have the original (Beveridge, Pandect. tom. ii. p. 47
- 151) and a translation (Chardon, Hist. des Sacremens, tom. iv.
p. 219 - 277) of the Canonical Epistles of St. Basil.]
[Footnote 98: The penance of Theodosius is authenticated by
Ambrose, (tom. vi. de Obit. Theodos. c. 34, p. 1207,) Augustin,
(de Civitat. Dei, v. 26,) and Paulinus, (in Vit. Ambros. c. 24.)
Socrates is ignorant; Sozomen (l. vii. c. 25) concise; and the
copious narrative of Theodoret (l. v. c. 18) must be used with
precaution.]

[Footnote 99: Codex Theodos. l. ix. tit. xl. leg. 13. The date
and circumstances of this law are perplexed with difficulties;
but I feel myself inclined to favor the honest efforts of
Tillemont (Hist. des Emp. tom. v. p. 721) and Pagi, (Critica,
tom. i. p. 578.)]

[Footnote 100: Un prince qui aime la religion, et qui la craint,
est un lion qui cede a la main qui le flatte, ou a la voix qui
l'appaise. Esprit des Loix, l. xxiv. c. 2.]

Chapter XXVII: Civil Wars, Reign Of Theodosius.

Part V.

After the defeat and death of the tyrant of Gaul, the Roman
world was in the possession of Theodosius. He derived from the
choice of Gratian his honorable title to the provinces of the
East: he had acquired the West by the right of conquest; and the
three years which he spent in Italy were usefully employed to
restore the authority of the laws, and to correct the abuses
which had prevailed with impunity under the usurpation of
Maximus, and the minority of Valentinian. The name of
Valentinian was regularly inserted in the public acts: but the
tender age, and doubtful faith, of the son of Justina, appeared
to require the prudent care of an orthodox guardian; and his
specious ambition might have excluded the unfortunate youth,
without a struggle, and almost without a murmur, from the
administration, and even from the inheritance, of the empire. If
Theodosius had consulted the rigid maxims of interest and policy,
his conduct would have been justified by his friends; but the
generosity of his behavior on this memorable occasion has
extorted the applause of his most inveterate enemies. He seated
Valentinian on the throne of Milan; and, without stipulating any
present or future advantages, restored him to the absolute
dominion of all the provinces, from which he had been driven by
the arms of Maximus. To the restitution of his ample patrimony,
Theodosius added the free and generous gift of the countries
beyond the Alps, which his successful valor had recovered from
the assassin of Gratian. ^101 Satisfied with the glory which he
had acquired, by revenging the death of his benefactor, and
delivering the West from the yoke of tyranny, the emperor
returned from Milan to Constantinople; and, in the peaceful
possession of the East, insensibly relapsed into his former
habits of luxury and indolence. Theodosius discharged his
obligation to the brother, he indulged his conjugal tenderness to
the sister, of Valentinian; and posterity, which admires the pure
and singular glory of his elevation, must applaud his unrivalled
generosity in the use of victory.

[Footnote 101: It is the niggard praise of Zosimus himself, (l.
iv. p. 267.) Augustin says, with some happiness of expression,
Valentinianum .... misericordissima veneratione restituit.]
The empress Justina did not long survive her return to Italy;
and, though she beheld the triumph of Theodosius, she was not
allowed to influence the government of her son. ^102 The
pernicious attachment to the Arian sect, which Valentinian had
imbibed from her example and instructions, was soon erased by the
lessons of a more orthodox education. His growing zeal for the
faith of Nice, and his filial reverence for the character and
authority of Ambrose, disposed the Catholics to entertain the
most favorable opinion of the virtues of the young emperor of the
West. ^103 They applauded his chastity and temperance, his
contempt of pleasure, his application to business, and his tender
affection for his two sisters; which could not, however, seduce
his impartial equity to pronounce an unjust sentence against the
meanest of his subjects. But this amiable youth, before he had
accomplished the twentieth year of his age, was oppressed by
domestic treason; and the empire was again involved in the
horrors of a civil war. Arbogastes, ^104 a gallant soldier of the
nation of the Franks, held the second rank in the service of
Gratian. On the death of his master he joined the standard of
Theodosius; contributed, by his valor and military conduct, to
the destruction of the tyrant; and was appointed, after the
victory, master-general of the armies of Gaul. His real merit,
and apparent fidelity, had gained the confidence both of the
prince and people; his boundless liberality corrupted the
allegiance of the troops; and, whilst he was universally esteemed
as the pillar of the state, the bold and crafty Barbarian was
secretly determined either to rule, or to ruin, the empire of the
West. The important commands of the army were distributed among
the Franks; the creatures of Arbogastes were promoted to all the
honors and offices of the civil government; the progress of the
conspiracy removed every faithful servant from the presence of
Valentinian; and the emperor, without power and without
intelligence, insensibly sunk into the precarious and dependent
condition of a captive. ^105 The indignation which he expressed,
though it might arise only from the rash and impatient temper of
youth, may be candidly ascribed to the generous spirit of a
prince, who felt that he was not unworthy to reign. He secretly
invited the archbishop of Milan to undertake the office of a
mediator; as the pledge of his sincerity, and the guardian of his
safety. He contrived to apprise the emperor of the East of his
helpless situation, and he declared, that, unless Theodosius
could speedily march to his assistance, he must attempt to escape
from the palace, or rather prison, of Vienna in Gaul, where he
had imprudently fixed his residence in the midst of the hostile
faction. But the hopes of relief were distant, and doubtful:
and, as every day furnished some new provocation, the emperor,
without strength or counsel, too hastily resolved to risk an
immediate contest with his powerful general. He received
Arbogastes on the throne; and, as the count approached with some
appearance of respect, delivered to him a paper, which dismissed
him from all his employments. "My authority," replied
Arbogastes, with insulting coolness, "does not depend on the
smile or the frown of a monarch;" and he contemptuously threw the
paper on the ground. The indignant monarch snatched at the sword
of one of the guards, which he struggled to draw from its
scabbard; and it was not without some degree of violence that he
was prevented from using the deadly weapon against his enemy, or
against himself. A few days after this extraordinary quarrel, in
which he had exposed his resentment and his weakness, the
unfortunate Valentinian was found strangled in his apartment; and
some pains were employed to disguise the manifest guilt of
Arbogastes, and to persuade the world, that the death of the
young emperor had been the voluntary effect of his own despair.
^106 His body was conducted with decent pomp to the sepulchre of
Milan; and the archbishop pronounced a funeral oration to
commemorate his virtues and his misfortunes. ^107 On this
occasion the humanity of Ambrose tempted him to make a singular
breach in his theological system; and to comfort the weeping
sisters of Valentinian, by the firm assurance, that their pious
brother, though he had not received the sacrament of baptism, was
introduced, without difficulty, into the mansions of eternal
bliss. ^108

[Footnote 102: Sozomen, l. vii. c. 14. His chronology is very
irregular.]
[Footnote 103: See Ambrose, (tom. ii. de Obit. Valentinian. c.
15, &c. p. 1178. c. 36, &c. p. 1184.) When the young emperor gave
an entertainment, he fasted himself; he refused to see a handsome
actress, &c. Since he ordered his wild beasts to to be killed,
it is ungenerous in Philostor (l. xi. c. 1) to reproach him with
the love of that amusement.]

[Footnote 104: Zosimus (l. iv. p. 275) praises the enemy of
Theodosius. But he is detested by Socrates (l. v. c. 25) and
Orosius, (l. vii. c. 35.)]
[Footnote 105: Gregory of Tours (l. ii. c. 9, p. 165, in the
second volume of the Historians of France) has preserved a
curious fragment of Sulpicius Alexander, an historian far more
valuable than himself.]

[Footnote 106: Godefroy (Dissertat. ad. Philostorg. p. 429 - 434)
has diligently collected all the circumstances of the death of
Valentinian II. The variations, and the ignorance, of
contemporary writers, prove that it was secret.]

[Footnote 107: De Obitu Valentinian. tom. ii. p. 1173 - 1196. He
is forced to speak a discreet and obscure language: yet he is
much bolder than any layman, or perhaps any other ecclesiastic,
would have dared to be.]
[Footnote 108: See c. 51, p. 1188, c. 75, p. 1193. Dom Chardon,
(Hist. des Sacramens, tom. i. p. 86,) who owns that St. Ambrose
most strenuously maintains the indispensable necessity of
baptism, labors to reconcile the contradiction.]

The prudence of Arbogastes had prepared the success of his
ambitious designs: and the provincials, in whose breast every
sentiment of patriotism or loyalty was extinguished, expected,
with tame resignation, the unknown master, whom the choice of a
Frank might place on the Imperial throne. But some remains of
pride and prejudice still opposed the elevation of Arbogastes
himself; and the judicious Barbarian thought it more advisable to
reign under the name of some dependent Roman. He bestowed the
purple on the rhetorician Eugenius; ^109 whom he had already
raised from the place of his domestic secretary to the rank of
master of the offices. In the course, both of his private and
public service, the count had always approved the attachment and
abilities of Eugenius; his learning and eloquence, supported by
the gravity of his manners, recommended him to the esteem of the
people; and the reluctance with which he seemed to ascend the
throne, may inspire a favorable prejudice of his virtue and
moderation. The ambassadors of the new emperor were immediately
despatched to the court of Theodosius, to communicate, with
affected grief, the unfortunate accident of the death of
Valentinian; and, without mentioning the name of Arbogastes, to
request, that the monarch of the East would embrace, as his
lawful colleague, the respectable citizen, who had obtained the
unanimous suffrage of the armies and provinces of the West. ^110
Theodosius was justly provoked, that the perfidy of a Barbarian,
should have destroyed, in a moment, the labors, and the fruit, of
his former victory; and he was excited by the tears of his
beloved wife, ^111 to revenge the fate of her unhappy brother,
and once more to assert by arms the violated majesty of the
throne. But as the second conquest of the West was a task of
difficulty and danger, he dismissed, with splendid presents, and
an ambiguous answer, the ambassadors of Eugenius; and almost two
years were consumed in the preparations of the civil war. Before
he formed any decisive resolution, the pious emperor was anxious
to discover the will of Heaven; and as the progress of
Christianity had silenced the oracles of Delphi and Dodona, he
consulted an Egyptian monk, who possessed, in the opinion of the
age, the gift of miracles, and the knowledge of futurity.
Eutropius, one of the favorite eunuchs of the palace of
Constantinople, embarked for Alexandria, from whence he sailed up
the Nile, as far as the city of Lycopolis, or of Wolves, in the
remote province of Thebais. ^112 In the neighborhood of that
city, and on the summit of a lofty mountain, the holy John ^113
had constructed, with his own hands, an humble cell, in which he
had dwelt above fifty years, without opening his door, without
seeing the face of a woman, and without tasting any food that had
been prepared by fire, or any human art. Five days of the week
he spent in prayer and meditation; but on Saturdays and Sundays
he regularly opened a small window, and gave audience to the
crowd of suppliants who successively flowed from every part of
the Christian world. The eunuch of Theodosius approached the
window with respectful steps, proposed his questions concerning
the event of the civil war, and soon returned with a favorable
oracle, which animated the courage of the emperor by the
assurance of a bloody, but infallible victory. ^114 The
accomplishment of the prediction was forwarded by all the means
that human prudence could supply. The industry of the two
master-generals, Stilicho and Timasius, was directed to recruit
the numbers, and to revive the discipline of the Roman legions.
The formidable troops of Barbarians marched under the ensigns of
their national chieftains. The Iberian, the Arab, and the Goth,
who gazed on each other with mutual astonishment, were enlisted
in the service of the same prince; ^* and the renowned Alaric
acquired, in the school of Theodosius, the knowledge of the art
of war, which he afterwards so fatally exerted for the
destruction of Rome. ^115

Copyright (c) 2007. fullstories.net. All rights reserved.