The Itinerary of Archibishop Baldwin through Wales
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Giraldus Cambrensis >> The Itinerary of Archibishop Baldwin through Wales
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10 This etext was prepared by David Price
ccx074@coventry.ac.uk, from the 1912 J. M. Dent edition.
The Itinerary of Archbishop Baldwin through Wales
INTRODUCTION
Gerald the Welshman - Giraldus Cambrensis - was born, probably in
1147, at Manorbier Castle in the county of Pembroke. His father was
a Norman noble, William de Barri, who took his name from the little
island of Barry off the coast of Glamorgan. His mother, Angharad,
was the daughter of Gerald de Windsor {1} by his wife, the famous
Princess Nesta, the "Helen of Wales," and the daughter of Rhys ap
Tewdwr Mawr, the last independent Prince of South Wales.
Gerald was therefore born to romance and adventure. He was reared
in the traditions of the House of Dinevor. He heard the brilliant
and pitiful stories of Rhys ap Tewdwr, who, after having lost and
won South Wales, died on the stricken field fighting against the
Normans, an old man of over fourscore years; and of his gallant son,
Prince Rhys, who, after wrenching his patrimony from the invaders,
died of a broken heart a few months after his wife, the Princess
Gwenllian, had fallen in a skirmish at Kidwelly. No doubt he heard,
though he makes but sparing allusion to them, of the loves and
adventures of his grandmother, the Princess Nesta, the daughter and
sister of a prince, the wife of an adventurer, the concubine of a
king, and the paramour of every daring lover - a Welshwoman whose
passions embroiled all Wales, and England too, in war, and the
mother of heroes - Fitz-Geralds, Fitz-Stephens, and Fitz-Henries,
and others - who, regardless of their mother's eccentricity in the
choice of their fathers, united like brothers in the most
adventurous undertaking of that age, the Conquest of Ireland.
Though his mother was half Saxon and his father probably fully
Norman, Gerald, with a true instinct, described himself as a
"Welshman." His frank vanity, so naive as to be void of offence,
his easy acceptance of everything which Providence had bestowed on
him, his incorrigible belief that all the world took as much
interest in himself and all that appealed to him as he did himself,
the readiness with which he adapted himself to all sorts of men and
of circumstances, his credulity in matters of faith and his shrewd
common sense in things of the world, his wit and lively fancy, his
eloquence of tongue and pen, his acute rather than accurate
observation, his scholarship elegant rather than profound, are all
characteristic of a certain lovable type of South Walian. He was
not blind to the defects of his countrymen any more than to others
of his contemporaries, but the Welsh he chastised as one who loved
them. His praise followed ever close upon the heels of his
criticism. There was none of the rancour in his references to Wales
which defaces his account of contemporary Ireland. He was
acquainted with Welsh, though he does not seem to have preached it,
and another archdeacon acted as the interpreter of Archbishop
Baldwin's Crusade sermon in Anglesea. But he could appreciate the
charm of the Cynghanedd, the alliterative assonance which is still
the most distinctive feature of Welsh poetry. He cannot conceal his
sympathy with the imperishable determination of his countrymen to
keep alive the language which is their differentia among the nations
of the world. It is manifest in the story which he relates at the
end of his "Description of Wales." Henry II. asked an old Welshman
of Pencader in Carmarthenshire if the Welsh could resist his might.
"This nation, O King," was the reply, "may often be weakened and in
great part destroyed by the power of yourself and of others, but
many a time, as it deserves, it will rise triumphant. But never
will it be destroyed by the wrath of man, unless the wrath of God be
added. Nor do I think that any other nation than this of Wales, or
any other tongue, whatever may hereafter come to pass, shall on the
day of the great reckoning before the Most High Judge, answer for
this corner of the earth." Prone to discuss with his "Britannic
frankness" the faults of his countrymen, he cannot bear that any one
else should do so. In the "Description of Wales" he breaks off in
the middle of a most unflattering passage concerning the character
of the Welsh people to lecture Gildas for having abused his own
countrymen. In the preface to his "Instruction of Princes," he
makes a bitter reference to the prejudice of the English Court
against everything Welsh - "Can any good thing come from Wales?"
His fierce Welshmanship is perhaps responsible for the unsympathetic
treatment which he has usually received at the hands of English
historians. Even to one of the writers of Dr. Traill's "Social
England," Gerald was little more than "a strong and passionate
Welshman."
Sometimes it was his pleasure to pose as a citizen of the world. He
loved Paris, the centre of learning, where he studied as a youth,
and where he lectured in his early manhood. He paid four long
visits to Rome. He was Court chaplain to Henry II. He accompanied
the king on his expeditions to France, and Prince John to Ireland.
He retired, when old age grew upon him, to the scholarly seclusion
of Lincoln, far from his native land. He was the friend and
companion of princes and kings, of scholars and prelates everywhere
in England, in France, and in Italy. And yet there was no place in
the world so dear to him as Manorbier. Who can read his vivid
description of the old castle by the sea - its ramparts blown upon
by the winds that swept over the Irish Sea, its fishponds, its
garden, and its lofty nut trees - without feeling that here, after
all, was the home of Gerald de Barri? "As Demetia," he said in his
"Itinerary," "with its seven cantreds is the fairest of all the
lands of Wales, as Pembroke is the fairest part of Demetia, and this
spot the fairest of Pembroke, it follows that Manorbier is the
sweetest spot in Wales." He has left us a charming account of his
boyhood, playing with his brothers on the sands, they building
castles and he cathedrals, he earning the title of "boy bishop" by
preaching while they engaged in boyish sport. On his last recorded
visit to Wales, a broken man, hunted like a criminal by the king,
and deserted by the ingrate canons of St. David's, he retired for a
brief respite from strife to the sweet peace of Manorbier. It is
not known where he died, but it is permissible to hope that he
breathed his last in the old home which he never forgot or ceased to
love.
He mentions that the Welsh loved high descent and carried their
pedigree about with them. In this respect also Gerald was Welsh to
the core. He is never more pleased than when he alludes to his
relationship with the Princes of Wales, or the Geraldines, or
Cadwallon ap Madoc of Powis. He hints, not obscurely, that the real
reason why he was passed over for the Bishopric of St. David's in
1186 was that Henry II. feared his natio et cognatio, his nation and
his family. He becomes almost dithyrambic in extolling the deeds of
his kinsmen in Ireland. "Who are they who penetrated into the
fastnesses of the enemy? The Geraldines. Who are they who hold the
country in submission? The Geraldines. Who are they whom the
foemen dread? The Geraldines. Who are they whom envy would
disparage? The Geraldines. Yet fight on, my gallant kinsmen,
" Felices facti si quid mea carmina possuit."
Gerald was satisfied, not only with his birthplace and lineage, but
with everything that was his. He makes complacent references to his
good looks, which he had inherited from Princess Nesta. "Is it
possible so fair a youth can die?" asked Bishop, afterwards
Archbishop, Baldwin, when he saw him in his student days. {2} Even
in his letters to Pope Innocent he could not refrain from repeating
a compliment paid to him on his good looks by Matilda of St. Valery,
the wife of his neighbour at Brecon, William de Braose. He praises
his own unparalleled generosity in entertaining the poor, the
doctors, and the townsfolk of Oxford to banquets on three successive
days when he read his "Topography of Ireland" before that
university. As for his learning he records that when his tutors at
Paris wished to point out a model scholar they mentioned Giraldus
Cambrensis. He is confident that though his works, being all
written in Latin, have not attained any great contemporary
popularity, they will make his name and fame secure for ever. The
most precious gift he could give to Pope Innocent III., when he was
anxious to win his favour, was six volumes of his own works; and
when good old Archbishop Baldwin came to preach the Crusade in
Wales, Gerald could think of no better present to help beguile the
tedium of the journey than his own "Topography of Ireland." He is
equally pleased with his own eloquence. When the archbishop had
preached, with no effect, for an hour, and exclaimed what a
hardhearted people it was, Gerald moved them almost instantly to
tears. He records also that John Spang, the Lord Rhys's fool, said
to his master at Cardigan, after Gerald had been preaching the
Crusade, "You owe a great debt, O Rhys, to your kinsman, the
archdeacon, who has taken a hundred or so of your men to serve the
Lord; for if he had only spoken in Welsh, you would not have had a
soul left." His works are full of appreciations of Gerald's
reforming zeal, his administrative energy, his unostentatious and
scholarly life.
Professor Freeman in his "Norman Conquest" described Gerald as "the
father of comparative philology," and in the preface to his edition
of the last volume of Gerald's works in the Rolls Series, he calls
him "one of the most learned men of a learned age," "the universal
scholar." His range of subjects is indeed marvellous even for an
age when to be a "universal scholar" was not so hopeless of
attainment as it has since become. Professor Brewer, his earliest
editor in the Rolls Series, is struck by the same characteristic.
"Geography, history, ethics, divinity, canon law, biography, natural
history, epistolary correspondence, and poetry employed his pen by
turns, and in all these departments of literature he has left
memorials of his ability." Without being Ciceronian, his Latin was
far better than that of his contemporaries. He was steeped in the
classics, and he had, as Professor Freeman remarks, "mastered more
languages than most men of his time, and had looked at them with an
approach to a scientific view which still fewer men of his time
shared with him." He quotes Welsh, English, Irish, French, German,
Hebrew, Latin, and Greek, and with four or five of these languages
at least he had an intimate, scholarly acquaintance. His judgment
of men and things may not always have been sound, but he was a
shrewd observer of contemporary events. "The cleverest critic of
the life of his time" is the verdict of Mr. Reginald Poole. {3} He
changed his opinions often: he was never ashamed of being
inconsistent. In early life he was, perhaps naturally, an admirer
of the Angevin dynasty; he lived to draw the most terrible picture
extant of their lives and characters. During his lifetime he never
ceased to inveigh against Archbishop Hubert Walter; after his death
he repented and recanted. His invective was sometimes coarse, and
his abuse was always virulent. He was not over-scrupulous in his
methods of controversy; but no one can rise from a reading of his
works without a feeling of liking for the vivacious, cultured,
impulsive, humorous, irrepressible Welshman. Certainly no Welshman
can regard the man who wrote so lovingly of his native land, and who
championed her cause so valiantly, except with real gratitude and
affection.
But though it is as a writer of books that Gerald has become famous,
he was a man of action, who would have left, had Fate been kinder,
an enduring mark on the history of his own time, and would certainly
have changed the whole current of Welsh religious life. As a
descendant of the Welsh princes, he took himself seriously as a
Welsh patriot. Destined almost from his cradle, both by the bent of
his mind and the inclination of his father, to don "the habit of
religion," he could not join Prince Rhys or Prince Llewelyn in their
struggle for the political independence of Wales. His ambition was
to become Bishop of St. David's, and then to restore the Welsh
Church to her old position of independence of the metropolitan
authority of Canterbury. He detested the practice of promoting
Normans to Welsh sees, and of excluding Welshmen from high positions
in their own country. "Because I am a Welshman, am I to be debarred
from all preferment in Wales?" he indignantly writes to the Pope.
Circumstances at first seemed to favour his ambition. His uncle,
David Fitz-Gerald, sat in the seat of St. David's. When the young
scholar returned from Paris in 1172, he found the path of promotion
easy. After the manner of that age - which Gerald lived to denounce
- he soon became a pluralist. He held the livings of Llanwnda,
Tenby, and Angle, and afterwards the prebend of Mathry, in
Pembrokeshire, and the living of Chesterton in Oxfordshire. He was
also prebendary of Hereford, canon of St. David's, and in 1175, when
only twenty-eight years of age, he became Archdeacon of Brecon. In
the following year Bishop David died, and Gerald, together with the
other archdeacons of the diocese, was nominated by the chapter for
the king's choice. But the chapter had been premature, urged, no
doubt, by the impetuous young Archdeacon of Brecon. They had not
waited for the king's consent to the nomination. The king saw that
his settled policy in Wales would be overturned if Gerald became
Bishop of St. David's. Gerald's cousin, the Lord Rhys, had been
appointed the king's justiciar in South Wales. The power of the
Lord Marches was to be kept in check by a quasi-alliance between the
Welsh prince and his over-lord. The election of Gerald to the
greatest see in Wales would upset the balance of power. David Fitz-
Gerald, good easy man (vir sua sorte contentus is Gerald's
description of him), the king could tolerate, but he could not
contemplate without uneasiness the combination of spiritual and
political power in South Wales in the hands of two able, ambitious,
and energetic kinsmen, such as he knew Gerald and the Lord Rhys to
be. Gerald had made no secret of his admiration for the martyred
St. Thomas e Becket. He fashioned himself upon him as Becket did on
Anselm. The part which Becket played in England he would like to
play in Wales. But the sovereign who had destroyed Becket was not
to be frightened by the canons of St. David's and the Archdeacon of
Brecon. He summoned the chapter to Westminster, and compelled them
in his presence to elect Peter de Leia, the Prior of Wenlock, who
erected for himself an imperishable monument in the noble cathedral
which looks as if it had sprung up from the rocks which guard the
city of Dewi Sant from the inrush of the western sea.
It is needless to recount the many activities in which Gerald
engaged during the next twenty-two years. They have been recounted
with humorous and affectionate appreciation by Dr. Henry Owen in his
monograph on "Gerald the Welshman," a little masterpiece of
biography which deserves to be better known. {4} In 1183 Gerald was
employed by the astute king to settle terms between him and the
rebellious Lord Rhys. Nominally as a reward for his successful
diplomacy, but probably in order to keep so dangerous a character
away from the turbulent land of Wales, Gerald was in the following
year made a Court chaplain. In 1185 he was commissioned by the king
to accompany Prince John, then a lad of eighteen, who had lately
been created "Lord of Ireland," to the city of Dublin. There he
abode for two years, collecting materials for his two first books,
the "Topography" and the "Conquest of Ireland." In 1188 he
accompanied Archbishop Baldwin through Wales to preach the Third
Crusade - not the first or the last inconsistency of which the
champion of the independence of the Welsh Church was guilty. His
"Itinerary through Wales" is the record of the expedition. King
Richard offered him the Bishopric of Bangor, and John, in his
brother's absence, offered him that of Llandaff. But his heart was
set on St. David's. In 1198 his great chance came to him. At last,
after twenty-two years of misrule, Peter de Leia was dead, and
Gerald seemed certain of attaining his heart's desire. Once again
the chapter nominated Gerald; once more the royal authority was
exerted, this time by Archbishop Hubert, the justiciar in the king's
absence, to defeat the ambitious Welshman. The chapter decided to
send a deputation to King Richard in Normandy. The deputation
arrived at Chinon to find Coeur-de-Lion dead; but John was anxious
to make friends everywhere, in order to secure himself on his
uncertain throne. He received the deputation graciously, he spoke
in praise of Gerald, and he agreed to accept the nomination. But
after his return to England John changed his mind. He found that no
danger threatened him in his island kingdom, and he saw the wisdom
of the justiciar's policy. Gerald hurried to see him, but John
point blank refused publicly to ratify his consent to the nomination
which he had already given in private. Then commenced the historic
fight for St. David's which, in view of the still active "Church
question" in Wales, is even now invested with a living interest and
significance. Gerald contended that the Welsh Church was
independent of Canterbury, and that it was only recently, since the
Norman Conquest, that she had been deprived of her freedom. His
opponents relied on political, rather than historical,
considerations to defeat this bold claim. King Henry, when a
deputation from the chapter in 1175 appeared before the great
council in London and had urged the metropolitan claims of St.
David's upon the Cardinal Legate, exclaimed that he had no intention
of giving this head to rebellion in Wales. Archbishop Hubert, more
of a statesman than an ecclesiastic, based his opposition on similar
grounds. He explained his reasons bluntly to the Pope. "Unless the
barbarity of this fierce and lawless people can be restrained by
ecclesiastical censures through the see of Canterbury, to which
province they are subject by law, they will be for ever rising in
arms against the king, to the disquiet of the whole realm of
England." Gerald's answer to this was complete, except from the
point of view of political expediency. "What can be more unjust
than that this people of ancient faith, because they answer force by
force in defence of their lives, their lands, and their liberties,
should be forthwith separated from the body corporate of
Christendom, and delivered over to Satan?"
The story of the long fight between Gerald on the one hand and the
whole forces of secular and ecclesiastical authority on the other
cannot be told here. Three times did he visit Rome to prosecute his
appeal - alone against the world. He had to journey through
districts disturbed by wars, infested with the king's men or the
king's enemies, all of whom regarded Gerald with hostility. He was
taken and thrown into prison as King John's subject in one town, he
was detained by importunate creditors in another, and at Rome he was
betrayed by a countryman whom he had befriended. He himself has
told us
Of the most disastrous chances
Of moving accidents by flood and field,
which made a journey from St. David's to Rome a more perilous
adventure in those unquiet days than an expedition "through darkest
Africa" is in ours. At last the very Chapter of St. David's, for
whose ancient rights he was contending, basely deserted him. "The
laity of Wales stood by me," so he wrote in later days, "but of the
clergy whose battle I was fighting scarce one." Pope Innocent III.
was far too wary a politician to favour the claims of a small and
distracted nation, already half-subjugated, against the king of a
rich and powerful country. He flattered our poor Gerald, he
delighted in his company, he accepted, and perhaps even read, his
books. But in the end, after five years' incessant fighting, the
decision went against him, and the English king's nominee has ever
since sat on the throne of St. David's. "Many and great wars," said
Gwenwynwyn, the Prince of Powis, "have we Welshmen waged with
England, but none so great and fierce as his who fought the king and
the archbishop, and withstood the might of the whole clergy and
people of England, for the honour of Wales."
Short was the memory and scant the gratitude of his countrymen.
When in 1214 another vacancy occurred at a time when King John was
at variance with his barons and his prelates, the Chapter of St.
David's nominated, not Gerald, their old champion, but Iorwerth, the
Abbot of Talley, from whose reforming zeal they had nothing to fear.
This last prick of Fortune's sword pierced Gerald to the quick. He
had for years been gradually withdrawing from an active life. He
had resigned his archdeaconry and his prebend stall, he had made a
fourth pilgrimage, this time for his soul's sake, to Rome, he had
retired to a quiet pursuit of letters probably at Lincoln, and
henceforward, till his death about the year 1223, he devoted himself
to revising and embellishing his old works, and completing his
literary labours. By his fight for St. David's he had endeared
himself to the laity of his country for all time. The saying of
Llewelyn the Great was prophetic. "So long as Wales shall stand by
the writings of the chroniclers and by the songs of the bards shall
his noble deed be praised throughout all time." The prophecy has
not yet been verified. Welsh chroniclers have made but scanty
references to Gerald; no bard has ever yet sung an Awdl or a
Pryddest in honour of him who fought for the "honour of Wales." His
countrymen have forgotten Gerald the Welshman. It has been left to
Sir Richard Colt Hoare, Foster, Professor Brewer, Dimmock, and
Professor Freeman to edit his works. Only two of his countrymen
have attempted to rescue one of the greatest of Welshmen from an
undeserved oblivion. In 1585, when the Renaissance of Letters had
begun to rouse the dormant powers of the Cymry, Dr. David Powel
edited in Latin a garbled version of the "Itinerary" and
"Description of Wales," and gave a short and inaccurate account of
Gerald's life. In 1889 Dr. Henry Owen published, "at his own proper
charges," the first adequate account by a Welshman of the life and
labours of Giraldus Cambrensis. When his monument is erected in the
cathedral which was built by his hated rival, the epitaph which he
composed for himself may well be inscribed upon it -
Cambria Giraldus genuit, sic Cambria mentem
Erudiit, cineres cui lapis iste tegit.
And by that time perhaps some competent scholar will have translated
some at least of Gerald's works into the language best understood by
the people of Wales.
It would be impossible to exaggerate the enormous services which
three great Welshmen of the twelfth century rendered to England and
to the world - such services as we may securely hope will be
emulated by Welshmen of the next generation, now that we have lived
to witness what Mr. Theodore Watts-Dunton has called "the great
recrudescence of Cymric energy." {5} The romantic literature of
England owes its origin to Geoffrey of Monmouth; {6} Sir Galahad,
the stainless knight, the mirror of Christian chivalry, as well as
the nobler portions of the Arthurian romance, were the creation of
Walter Map, the friend and "gossip" of Gerald; {7} and John Richard
Green has truly called Gerald himself "the father of popular
literature." {8} He began to write when he was only twenty; he
continued to write till he was past the allotted span of life. He
is the most "modern" as well as the most voluminous of all the
mediaeval writers. Of all English writers, Miss Kate Norgate {9}
has perhaps most justly estimated the real place of Gerald in
English letters. "Gerald's wide range of subjects," she says, "is
only less remarkable than the ease and freedom with which he treats
them. Whatever he touches - history, archaeology, geography,
natural science, politics, the social life and thought of the day,
the physical peculiarities of Ireland and the manners and customs of
its people, the picturesque scenery and traditions of his own native
land, the scandals of the court and the cloister, the petty struggle
for the primacy of Wales, and the great tragedy of the fall of the
Angevin Empire - is all alike dealt with in the bold, dashing,
offhand style of a modern newspaper or magazine article. His first
important work, the 'Topography of Ireland,' is, with due allowance
for the difference between the tastes of the twelfth century and
those of the nineteenth, just such a series of sketches as a special
correspondent in our own day might send from some newly-colonised
island in the Pacific to satisfy or whet the curiosity of his
readers at home." The description aptly applies to all that Gerald
wrote. If not a historian, he was at least a great journalist. His
descriptions of Ireland have been subjected to much hostile
criticism from the day they were written to our own times. They
were assailed at the time, as Gerald himself tells us, for their
unconventionality, for their departure from established custom, for
the freedom and colloquialism of their style, for the audacity of
their stories, and for the writer's daring in venturing to treat the
manners and customs of a barbarous country as worthy the attention
of the learned and the labours of the historian. Irish scholars,
from the days of Dr. John Lynch, who published his "Cambrensis
Eversus" in 1622, have unanimously denounced the work of the
sensational journalist, born out of due time. His Irish books are
confessedly partisan; the "Conquest of Ireland" was expressly
designed as an eulogy of "the men of St. David's," the writer's own
kinsmen. But in spite of partisanship and prejudice, they must be
regarded as a serious and valuable addition to our knowledge of the
state of Ireland at the latter end of the twelfth century. Indeed,
Professor Brewer does not hesitate to say that "to his industry we
are exclusively indebted for all that is known of the state of
Ireland during the whole of the Middle Ages," and as to the
"Topography," Gerald "must take rank with the first who descried the
value and in some respects the limits of descriptive geography."
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