Industrial Biography
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Samuel Smiles >> Industrial Biography
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The more that the remaining ironmasters became straitened for want of
wood, the more they were compelled to resort to cinders and coke made
from coal as a substitute. And it was found that under certain
circumstances this fuel answered the purpose almost as well as
charcoal of wood. The coke was made by burning the coal in heaps in
the open air, and it was usually mixed with coal and peat in the
process of smelting the ore. Coal by itself was used by the country
smiths for forging whenever they could procure it for their smithy
fires; and in the midland counties they had it brought to them,
sometimes from great distances, slung in bags across horses'
backs,--for the state of the roads was then so execrable as not to
admit of its being led for any considerable distance in carts. At
length we arrive at a period when coal seems to have come into
general use, and when necessity led to its regular employment both in
smelting the ore and in manufacturing the metal. And this brings us
to the establishment of the Coalbrookdale works, where the smelting
of iron by means of coke and coal was first adopted on a large scale
as the regular method of manufacture.
Abraham Darby, the first of a succession of iron manufacturers who
bore the same name, was the son of a farmer residing at Wrensnest,
near Dudley. He served an apprenticeship to a maker of malt-kilns
near Birmingham, after which he married and removed to Bristol in
1700, to begin business on his own account. Industry is of all
politics and religions: thus Dudley was a Royalist and a Churchman,
Yarranton was a Parliamentarian and a Presbyterian, and Abraham Darby
was a Quaker. At Bristol he was joined by three partners of the same
persuasion, who provided the necessary capital to enable him to set
up works at Baptist Mills, near that city, where he carried on the
business of malt-mill making, to which he afterwards added brass and
iron founding.
At that period cast-iron pots were in very general use, forming the
principal cooking utensils of the working class. The art of casting
had, however, made such small progress in England that the pots were
for the most part imported from abroad. Darby resolved, if possible,
to enter upon this lucrative branch of manufacture; and he proceeded
to make a number of experiments in pot-making. Like others who had
preceded him, he made his first moulds of clay; but they cracked and
burst, and one trial failed after another. He then determined to find
out the true method of manufacturing the pots, by travelling into the
country from whence the best were imported, in order to master the
grand secret of the trade. With this object he went over to Holland
in the year 1706, and after diligent inquiry he ascertained that the
only sure method of casting "Hilton ware," as such castings were then
called, was in moulds of fine dry sand. This was the whole secret.
Returning to Bristol, accompanied by some skilled Dutch workmen,
Darby began the new manufacture, and succeeded to his satisfaction.
The work was at first carried on with great secrecy, lest other
makers should copy the art; and the precaution was taken of stopping
the keyhole of the workshop-door while the casting was in progress.
To secure himself against piracy, he proceeded to take out a patent
for the process in the year 1708, and it was granted for the term of
fourteen years. The recital of the patent is curious, as showing the
backward state of English iron-founding at that time. It sets forth
that "whereas our trusty and well-beloved Abraham Darby, of our city
of Bristol, smith, hath by his petition humbly represented to us,
that by his study, industry, and expense, he hath found out and
brought to perfection a new way of casting iron bellied pots and
other iron bellied ware in sand only, without loam or clay, by which
such iron pots and other ware may be cast fine and with more ease and
expedition, and may be afforded cheaper than they can be by the way
commonly used; and in regard to their cheapness may be of great
advantage to the poor of this our kingdom, who for the most part use
such ware, and in all probability will prevent the merchants of
England going to foreign markets for such ware, from whence great
quantities are imported, and likewise may in time supply other
markets with that manufacture of our dominions," &c..... grants the
said Abraham Darby the full power and sole privilege to make and sell
such pots and ware for and during the term of fourteen years thence
ensuing."
Darby proceeded to make arrangements for carrying on the manufacture
upon a large scale at the Baptist Mills; but the other partners
hesitated to embark more capital in the concern, and at length
refused their concurrence. Determined not to be baulked in his
enterprise, Darby abandoned the Bristol firm; and in the year 1709 he
removed to Coalbrookdale in Shropshire, with the intention of
prosecuting the enterprise on his own account. He took the lease of a
little furnace which had existed at the place for more than a
century, as the records exist of a "smethe" or "smeth-house" at
Coalbrookdale in the time of the Tudors. The woods of oak and hazel
which at that time filled the beautiful dingles of the dale, and
spread in almost a continuous forest to the base of the Wrekin,
furnished abundant fuel for the smithery. As the trade of the
Coalbrookdale firm extended, these woods became cleared, until the
same scarcity of fuel began to be experienced that had already
desolated the forests of Sussex, and brought the manufacture of iron
in that quarter to a stand-still.
It appears from the 'Blast Furnace Memorandum Book' of Abraham Darby,
which we have examined, that the make of iron at the Coalbrookdale
foundry, in 1713, varied from five to ten tons a week. The principal
articles cast were pots, kettles, and other "hollow ware," direct
from the smelting-furnace; the rest of the metal was run into pigs.
In course of time we find that other castings were turned out: a few
grates, smoothing-irons, door-frames, weights, baking-plates,
cart-bushes, iron pestles and mortars, and occasionally a tailor's
goose. The trade gradually increased, until we find as many as 150
pots and kettles cast in a week.
The fuel used in the furnaces appears, from the Darby
Memorandum-Book, to have been at first entirely charcoal; but the
growing scarcity of wood seems to have gradually led to the use of
coke, brays or small coke, and peat. An abundance of coals existed in
the neighbourhood: by rejecting those of inferior quality, and coking
the others with great care, a combustible was obtained better fitted
even than charcoal itself for the fusion of that particular kind of
ore which is found in the coal-measures. Thus we find Darby's most
favourite charge for his furnaces to have been five baskets of coke,
two of brays, and one of peat; next followed the ore, and then the
limestone. The use of charcoal was gradually given up as the art of
smelting with coke and brays improved, most probably aided by the
increased power of the furnace-blast, until at length we find it
entirely discontinued.
The castings of Coalbrookdale gradually acquired a reputation, and
the trade of Abraham Darby continued to increase until the date of
his death, which occurred at Madeley Court in 1717. His sons were too
young at the time to carry on the business which he had so
successfully started, and several portions of the works were sold at
a serious sacrifice. But when the sons had grown up to manhood, they
too entered upon the business of iron-founding; and Abraham Darby's
son and grandson, both of the same name, largely extended the
operations of the firm, until Coalbrookdale, or, as it was popularly
called, "Bedlam," became the principal seat of one of the most
important branches of the iron trade.
There seems to be some doubt as to the precise time when pit-coal was
first regularly employed at Coalbrookdale in smelting the ore. Mr.
Scrivenor says, "pit-coal was first used by Mr. Abraham Darby, in his
furnace at Coalbrookdale, in 1713;"*
[footnote...
History of the Iron Trade, p. 56.
...]
but we can find no confirmation of this statement in the records of
the Company. It is probable that Mr. Darby used raw coal, as was done
in the Forest of Dean at the same time,*
[footnote...
See Mr. Powle's account of the Iron Works in the Forest of Dean
(1677-8), in the Philosophical Transactions, vol. ii. p. 418, where
he says, "After they have pounded their ore, their first work is to
calcine it, which is done in kilns, much after the fashion of
ordinary lime-kilns, These they fill up to the top with coal and ore,
stratum super stratum, until it be full; and so setting fire to the
bottom, they let it burn till the coal be wasted, and then renew the
kilns with fresh ore and coal, in the same manner as before. This is
done without fusion of the metal, and serves to consume the more
drossy parts of the ore and to make it friable." The writer then
describes the process of smelting the ore mixed with cinder in the
furnaces, where, he says, the fuel is "always of charcoal." "Several
attempts," he adds, "have been made to introduce the use of sea-coal
in these works instead of charcoal, the former being to be had at an
easier rate than the latter; but hitherto they have proved
ineffectual, the workmen finding by experience that a sea-coal fire,
how vehement soever, will not penetrate the most fixed parts of the
ore, and so leaves much of the metal unmelted"
...]
in the process of calcining the ore; but it would appear from his own
Memoranda that coke only was used in the process of smelting. We
infer from other circumstances that pit-coal was not employed for the
latter purpose until a considerably later period. The merit of its
introduction, and its successful use in iron-smelting, is due to Mr.
Richard Ford, who had married a daughter of Abraham Darby, and
managed the Coalbrookdale works in 1747. In a paper by the Rev. Mr.
Mason, Woodwardian Professor at Cambridge, given in the
'Philosophical Transactions' for that year,*
[footnote...
Phil. Trans. vol. xliv. 305.
...]
the first account of its successful
employment is stated as follows: -- "Several attempts have been made
to run iron-ore with pit-coal: he (Mr.Mason) thinks it has not
succeeded anywhere, as we have had no account of its being practised;
but Mr. Ford, of Coalbrookdale in Shropshire, from iron-ore and coal,
both got in the same dale, makes iron brittle or tough as he pleases,
there being cannon thus cast so soft as to bear turning like
wrought-iron." Most probably, however, it was not until the time of
Richard Reynolds, who succeeded Abraham Darby the second in the
management of the works in 1757, that pit-coal came into large and
regular use in the blasting-furnaces as well as the fineries of
Coalbrookdale.
Richard Reynolds was born at Bristol in 1735. His parents, like the
Darbys, belonged to the Society of Friends, and he was educated in
that persuasion. Being a spirited, lively youth, the "old Adam"
occasionally cropped out in him; and he is even said, when a young
man, to have been so much fired by the heroism of the soldier's
character that he felt a strong desire to embrace a military career;
but this feeling soon died out, and he dropped into the sober and
steady rut of the Society. After serving an apprenticeship in his
native town, he was sent to Coalbrookdale on a mission of business,
where he became acquainted with the Darby family, and shortly after
married Hannah, the daughter of Abraham the second. He then entered
upon the conduct of the iron and coal works at Ketley and Horsehay,
where he resided for six years, removing to Coalbrookdale in 1763, to
take charge of the works there, on the death of his father-in-law.
By the exertions and enterprise of the Darbys, the Coalbrookdale
Works had become greatly enlarged, giving remunerative employment to
a large and increasing population. The firm had extended their
operations far beyond the boundaries of the Dale: they had
established foundries at London, Bristol, and Liverpool, and agencies
at Newcastle and Truro for the disposal of steam-engines and other
iron machinery used in the deep mines of those districts. Watt had
not yet perfected his steam-engine; but there was a considerable
demand for pumping-engines of Newcomen's construction, many of which
were made at the Coalbrookdale Works. The increasing demand for iron
gave an impetus to coal-mining, which in its turn stimulated
inventors in their improvement of the power of the steam-engine; for
the coal could not be worked quickly and advantageously unless the
pits could be kept clear of water. Thus one invention stimulates
another; and when the steam-engine had been perfected by Watt, and
enabled powerful-blowing apparatus to be worked by its agency, we
shall find that the production of iron by means of pit-coal being
rendered cheap and expeditious, soon became enormously increased.
We are informed that it was while Richard Reynolds had charge of the
Coalbrookdale works that a further important improvement was effected
in the manufacture of iron by pit-coal. Up to this time the
conversion of crude or cast iron into malleable or bar iron had been
effected entirely by means of charcoal. The process was carried on in
a fire called a finery, somewhat like that of a smith's forge; the
iron being exposed to the blast of powerful bellows, and in constant
contact with the fuel. In the first process of fusing the ironstone,
coal had been used for some time with increasing success; but the
question arose, whether coal might not also be used with effect in
the second or refining stage. Two of the foremen, named Cranege,
suggested to Mr. Reynolds that this might be performed in what is
called a reverberatory furnace,*
[footnote...
Reverberatory, so called because the flame or current of heated gases
from the fuel is caused to be reverberated or reflected down upon the
substance under operation before passing into the chimney. It is
curious that Rovenson, in his Treatise of Metallica of 1613,
describes a reverberatory furnace in which iron was to be smelted by
pit-coal, though it does not appear that he succeeded in perfecting
his invention. Dr. Percy, in his excellent work on Metallurgy, thus
describes a reverberatory furnace: -- "It consists essentially of
three parts--a fireplace at one end, a stack or chimney at the other,
and a bed between both on which the matter is heated. The fireplace
is separated from the bed by a low partition wall called the
fire-bridge, and both are covered by an arched roof which rises from
the end wall of the fireplace and gradually dips toward the furthest
end of the bed connected with the stack. On one or both sides of the
bed, or at the end near the stack, may be openings through which the
ore spread over the surface of the bed may be stirred about and
exposed to the action of the air. The matter is heated in such a
furnace by flame, and is kept from contact with the solid fuel. The
flame in its course from the fireplace to the stack is reflected
downwards or REVERBERATED on the matter beneath, whence the name
REVERBERATORY furnace."
...]
in which the iron should not mix with the coal, but be heated solely
by the flame. Mr. Reynolds greatly doubted the feasibility of the
operation, but he authorized the Cranege, to make an experiment of
their process, the result of which will be found described in the
following extract of a letter from Mr. Reynolds to Mr. Thomas Goldney
of Bristol, dated "Coalbrookdale, 25th April, 1766 ": --
.... "I come now to what I think a matter of very great consequence.
It is some time since Thos. Cranege, who works at Bridgenorth Forge,
and his brother George, of the Dale, spoke to me about a notion they
had conceived of making bar iron without wood charcoal. I told them,
consistent with the notion I had adopted in common with all others I
had conversed with, that I thought it impossible, because the
vegetable salts in the charcoal being an alkali acted as an absorbent
to the sulphur of the iron, which occasions the red-short quality of
the iron, and pit coal abounding with sulphur would increase it. This
specious answer, which would probably have appeared conclusive to
most, and which indeed was what I really thought, was not so to them.
They replied that from the observations they had made, and repeated
conversations together, they were both firmly of opinion that the
alteration from the quality of pig iron into that of bar iron was
effected merely by heat, and if I would give them leave, they would
make a trial some day. I consented, but, I confess, without any great
expectation of their success; and so the matter rested some weeks,
when it happening that some repairs had to be done at Bridgenorth,
Thomas came up to the Dale, and, with his brother, made a trial in
Thos. Tilly's air-furnace with such success as I thought would
justify the erection of a small air-furnace at the Forge for the more
perfectly ascertaining the merit of the invention. This was
accordingly done, and a trial of it has been made this week, and the
success has surpassed the most sanguine expectations. The iron put
into the furnace was old Bushes, which thou knowest are always made
of hard iron, and the iron drawn out is the toughest I ever saw. A
bar 1 1/4 inch square, when broke, appears to have very little cold
short in it. I look upon it as one of the most important discoveries
ever made, and take the liberty of recommending thee and earnestly
requesting thou wouldst take out a patent for it immediately.... The
specification of the invention will be comprised in a few words, as
it will only set forth that a reverberatory furnace being built of a
proper construction, the pig or cast iron is put into it, and without
the addition of anything else than common raw pit coal, is converted
into good malleable iron, and, being taken red-hot from the
reverberatory furnace to the forge hammer, is drawn out into bars of
various shapes and sizes, according to the will of the workmen."
Mr. Reynolds's advice was implicitly followed. A patent was secured
in the name of the brothers Cranege, dated the 17th June, 1766; and
the identical words in the above letter were adopted in the
specification as descriptive of the process. By this method of
puddling, as it is termed, the manufacturer was thenceforward enabled
to produce iron in increased quantity at a large reduction in price;
and though the invention of the Craneges was greatly improved upon by
Onions, and subsequently by Cort, there can be no doubt as to the
originality and the importance of their invention. Mr. Tylor states
that he was informed by the son of Richard Reynolds that the wrought
iron made at Coalbrookdale by the Cranege process "was very good,
quite tough, and broke with a long, bright, fibrous fracture: that
made by Cort afterwards was quite different."*
[footnote...
Mr. TYLOR on Metal Work--Reports on the Paris Exhibition of 1855.
Part II. 182. We are informed by Mr. Reynolds of Coed-du, a grandson
of Richard Reynolds, that "on further trials many difficulties arose.
The bottoms of the furnaces were destroyed by the heat, and the
quality of the iron varied. Still, by a letter dated May, 1767, it
appears there had been sold of iron made in the new way to the value
of 247L. 14s. 6d."
...]
Though Mr. Reynolds's generosity to the Craneges is apparent; in the
course which he adopted in securing for them a patent for the
invention in their own names, it does not appear to have proved of
much advantage to them; and they failed to rise above the rank which
they occupied when their valuable discovery was patented. This,
however, was no fault of Richard Reynolds, but was mainly
attributable to the circumstance of other inventions in a great
measure superseding their process, and depriving them of the benefits
of their ingenuity.
Among the important improvements introduced by Mr. Reynolds while
managing the Coalbrookdale Works, was the adoption by him for the
first time of iron instead of wooden rails in the tram-roads along
which coal and iron were conveyed from one part of the works to
another, as well as to the loading-places along the river Severn. He
observed that the wooden rails soon became decayed, besides being
liable to be broken by the heavy loads passing over them, occasioning
much loss of time, interruption to business, and heavy expenses in
repairs. It occurred to him that these inconveniences would be
obviated by the use of rails of cast-iron; and, having tried an
experiment with them, it answered so well, that in 1767 the whole of
the wooden rails were taken up and replaced by rails of iron. Thus
was the era of iron railroads fairly initiated at Coalbrookdale, and
the example of Mr. Reynolds was shortly after followed on all the
tramroads throughout the Country.
It is also worthy of note that the first iron bridge ever erected was
cast and made at the Coalbrookdale Works--its projection as well as
its erection being mainly due to the skill and enterprise of Abraham
Darby the third. When but a young man, he showed indications of that
sagacity and energy in business which seemed to be hereditary in his
family. One of the first things he did on arriving at man's estate
was to set on foot a scheme for throwing a bridge across the Severn
at Coalbrookdale, at a point where the banks were steep and slippery,
to accommodate the large population which had sprung up along both
banks of the river. There were now thriving iron, brick, and pottery
works established in the parishes of Madeley and Broseley; and the
old ferry on the Severn was found altogether inadequate for ready
communication between one bank and the other. The want of a bridge
had long been felt, and a plan of one had been prepared during the
life time of Abraham Darby the second; but the project was suspended
at his death. When his son came of age, he resolved to take up his
father's dropped scheme, and prosecute it to completion, which he
did. Young Mr. Darby became lord of the manor of Madeley in 1776, and
was the owner of one-half of the ferry in right of his lordship. He
was so fortunate as to find the owner of the other or Broseley half
of the ferry equally anxious with himself to connect the two banks of
the river by means of a bridge. The necessary powers were accordingly
obtained from Parliament, and a bridge was authorized to be built "of
cast-iron, stone, brick, or timber." A company was formed for the
purpose of carrying out the project, and the shares were taken by the
adjoining owners, Abraham Darby being the principal subscriber.*
[footnote...
Among the other subscribers were the Rev. Mr. Harris, Mr. Jennings,
and Mr. John Wilkinson, an active promoter of the scheme, who gave
the company the benefit of his skill and experience when it was
determined to construct the bridge of iron. For an account of John
Wilkinson see Lives of the Engineers, vol. ii. 337, 356. In the
description of the first iron bridge given in that work we have, it
appears, attributed rather more credit to Mr. Wilkinson than he is
entitled to. Mr. Darby was the most active promoter of the scheme,
and had the principal share in the design. Wilkinson nevertheless was
a man of great energy and originality. Besides being the builder of
the first iron ship, he was the first to invent, for James Watt, a
machine that would bore a tolerably true cylinder. He afterwards
established iron works in France, and Arthur Young says, that "until
that well-known English manufacturer arrived, the French knew nothing
of the art of casting cannon solid and then boring them" (Travels in
France, 4to. ed. London, 1792, p.90). Yet England had borrowed her
first cannon-maker from France in the person of Peter Baude, as
described in chap. iii. Wilkinson is also said to have invented a
kind of hot-blast, in respect of which various witnesses gave
evidence on the trial of Neilson's patent in 1839; but the invention
does not appear to have been perfected by him.
...]
The construction of a bridge of iron was an entirely new idea. An
attempt had indeed been made at Lyons, in France, to construct such a
bridge more than twenty years before; but it had entirely failed, and
a bridge of timber was erected instead. It is not known whether the
Coalbrookdale masters had heard of that attempt; but, even if they
had, it could have been of no practical use to them.
Mr. Pritchard, an architect of Shrewsbury, was first employed to
prepare a design of the intended structure, which is still preserved.
Although Mr. Pritchard proposed to introduce cast-iron in the arch of
the bridge, which was to be of 120 feet span, it was only as a sort
of key, occupying but a few feet at the crown of the arch. This
sparing use of cast iron indicates the timidity of the architect in
dealing with the new material--his plan exhibiting a desire to effect
a compromise between the tried and the untried in
bridge-construction. But the use of iron to so limited an extent, and
in such a part of the structure, was of more than questionable
utility; and if Mr. Pritchard's plan had been adopted, the problem of
the iron bridge would still have remained unsolved.
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