The Story of the Mormons:

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"I am sorry, gentlemen, to see so many apparently intelligent men
found in the situation you are; and O ! if I could invoke the
great spirit, the unknown God, to rest upon and deliver you from
that awful chain of superstition, and liberate you from those
fetters of fanaticism with which you are bound, that you no
longer do homage to a man. I would advise you to scatter abroad,
and never organize yourselves with bishops, presidents, etc.,
lest you excite the jealousies of the people, and subject
yourselves to the same calamities that have now come upon you.
You have always been the aggressors: you have brought upon
yourselves these difficulties by being disaffected, and not being
subject to rule. And my advice is that you become as other
citizens, lest by a recurrence of these events you bring upon
yourselves irretrievable ruin."

General Clark then marched with his prisoners to Richmond, where
the trial of all the accused began on November 12, before Judge
A. A, King. By November 29 the called-out militia had been
disbanded, and on that date General Clark made his final report
to the governor. In this he asserted that the militia under him
had conducted themselves as honorable citizen soldiers, and
enclosed a certificate signed by five Mormons, including W. W.
Phelps, Colonel Hinckle, and John Corrill, confirming this
statement, and saying, "We have no hesitation in saying that the
course taken by General Clark with the Mormons was necessary for
the public peace, and that the Mormons are generally satisfied
with his course."

In his summing up of the results of the campaign, General Clark
said:

"It [the Mormon insurrection] had for its object Dominion, the
ultimate subjugation of this State and the Union to the laws of a
few men called the Presidency. Their church was to be built up at
any rate, peaceably if they could, forcibly if necessary. These
people had banded themselves together in societies, the object of
which was to first drive from their society such as refused to
join them in their unholy purposes, and then to plunder the
surrounding country, and ultimately to subject the state to their
rule."

"The whole number of the Mormons killed through the whole
difficulty, so far as I can ascertain, are about forty, and
several wounded. There has been one citizen killed, and about
fifteen badly wounded."*

* "Correspondence, Orders, etc.," p. 92.

Brigadier General R. Wilson was sent with his command to settle
the Mormon question in Daviess County. Finding the town of
Adamondi-Ahman unguarded, he placed guards around it, and
gathered in the Mormons of the neighborhood, to the number of
about two hundred. Most of these, he explained in his report,
were late comers from Canada and the northern border of the
United States, and were living mostly in tents, without any
adequate provision for the winter. Those against whom criminal
charges had been made were placed under arrest, and the others
were informed that General Wilson would protect them for ten
days, and would guarantee their safety to Caldwell County or out
of the state. "This appeared to me," said General Wilson, in his
report to General Clark, "to be the only course to prevent a
general massacre." In this report General Wilson presented the
following picture of the situation there as he found it: "It is
perfectly impossible for me to convey to you anything like the
awful state of things which exists here--language is inadequate
to the task. The citizens of a whole county first plundered, and
then their houses and other buildings burnt to ashes; without
houses, beds, furniture, or even clothing in many instances, to
meet the inclemency of the weather. I confess that my feelings
have been shocked with the gross brutality of these Mormons, who
have acted more like demons from the infernal regions than human
beings. Under these circumstances, you will readily perceive that
it would be perfectly impossible for me to protect the Mormons
against the just indignation of the citizens . . . . The Mormons
themselves appeared pleased with the idea of getting away from
their enemies and a justly insulted people, and I believe all
have applied and received permits to leave the county; and I
suppose about fifty families have left, and others are hourly
leaving, and at the end of ten days Mormonism will not be known
in Daviess county. This appeared to me to be the only course left
to prevent a general massacre."*

* "Correspondence, Orders, etc.," p. 78.

The Mormons began to depart at once, and in ten days nearly all
had left. Lee, who acted as guide to General Wilson, and whose
wife and babe were at Adamondi-Ahman, says:

"Every house in Adamondi-Ahman was searched by the troops for
stolen property. They succeeded in finding very much of the
Gentile property that had been captured by the Saints in the
various raids they made through the country. Bedding of every
kind and in large quantities was found and reclaimed by the
owners. Even spinning wheels, soap barrels, and other articles
were recovered. Each house where stolen property was found was
certain to receive a Missouri blessing from the troops. The men
who had been most active in gathering plunder had fled to
Illinois to escape the vengeance of the people, leaving their
families to suffer for the sins of the believing Saints."*

* "Mormonism Unveiled," p. 89.

We may now follow the fortunes of the Mormon prisoners. On
arriving at Richmond, they were confined in the unfinished brick
court-house. The only inside work on this building that was
completed was a partly laid floor, and to this the prisoners were
restricted by a railing, with a guard inside and out. "Two
three-pail iron kettles for boiling our meat, and two or more
iron bake kettles, or Dutch ovens, were furnished us," says
Robinson, "together with sacks of corn meal and meat in bulk. We
did our own cooking. This arrangement suited us very well, and we
enjoyed ourselves as well as men could under such
circumstances."*

* The Return, Vol. I, p. 234.

Joseph and Hyrum Smith, Rigdon, Lyman Wight, Caleb Baldwin, and
A. McRea were soon transferred to the jail at Liberty. The others
were then put into the debtor's room of Richmond jail, a
two-story log structure which was not well warmed, but they were
released on light bail in a few days.

A report of the testimony given at the hearing of the Mormon
prisoners before judge King will be found in the "Correspondence,
Orders, etc.," published by order of the Missouri legislature,
pp. 97-149. Among the Mormons who gave evidence against the
prisoners were Avard, the Danite, John Whitmer, W. W. Phelps,
John Corrill, and Colonel Hinckle. There were thirty-seven
witnesses for the state and seven for the defence. As showing the
character of the testimony, the following selections will
suffice.

Avard told the story of the origin of the Danites, and said that
he considered Joseph Smith their organizer; that the constitution
was approved by Smith and his counsellors at Rigdon's house, and
that the members felt themselves as much bound to obey the heads
of the church as to obey God. Just previous to the arrival of
General Lucas at Far West, Smith had assembled his force, and
told them that, for every one they lacked in numbers as compared
with their opponents, the Lord would send angels to fight for
them. He presented the text of the indictment against Cowdery,
Whitmer, and others, drawn up by Rigdon.

John Corrill testified about the effect of Rigdon's "salt
sermon," and also that he had attended meetings of the Danites,
and had expressed disapproval of the doctrine that, if one
brother got into difficulty, it was the duty of the others to
help him out, right or wrong; that Smith and Rigdon attended one
of these meetings, and that he had heard Smith declare at a
meeting, "if the people would let us alone, we would preach the
Gospel to them in peace, but if they came on us to molest us, we
would establish our religion by the sword, and that he would
become to this generation a second Mohammed"; just after the
expulsion of the Mormons from Dewitt, Smith declared hostilities
against their opponents in Caldwell and Daviess counties, and had
a resolution passed, looking to the confiscation of the property
of the brethren who would not join him in the march; and on a
Sunday he advised the people that they might at times take
property which at other times it would be wrong to take, citing
David's eating of the shew bread, and the Saviour's plucking ears
of corn.* Reed Peck testified to the same effect.

* Corrill, Avard, Hinckle, Marsh, and others were formally
excommunicated at a council held at Quincy, Illinois, on March
17, 1839, over which Brigham Young presided.

John Clemison testified to the presence of Smith at the early
meetings of the Danites; that Rigdon and Smith had advised that
those who were backward in joining his fighting force should be
placed in the front ranks at the point of pitchforks; that a
great deal of Gentile property was brought into Mormon camps, and
that "it was frequently observed among the troops that the time
had come when the riches of the Gentiles should be consecrated to
the state."

W. W. Phelps testified that in the previous April he had heard
Rigdon say, at a meeting in Far West, that they had borne
persecution and lawsuits long enough, and that, if a sheriff came
with writs against them, they would kill him, and that Smith
approved his words. Phelps said that the character of Rigdon's
"salt sermon" was known and discussed in advance of its delivery.

John Whitmer testified that, soon after the preaching of the
"salt sermon," a leading Mormon told him that they did not intend
to regard any longer "the niceties of the law of the land," as
"the kingdom spoken of by the Prophet Daniel had been set up."

The testimony concerning the Danite organization and Smith's
threats against the Missourians received confirmation in an
affidavit by no less a person than Thomas B. Marsh, the First
President of the twelve Apostles, before a justice of the peace
in Ray County, in October, 1838. In this Marsh said:--

"The plan of said Smith, the Prophet, is to take this state; and
he professes to his people to intend taking the United States and
ultimately the whole world. The Prophet inculcates the notion,
and it is believed by every true Mormon, that Smith's prophecies
are superior to the law of the land. I have heard the Prophet say
that he would yet tread down his enemies, and walk over their
dead bodies; that, if he was not let alone, he would be a second
Mohammed to this generation, and that he would make it one gore
of blood from the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean."

This affidavit was accompanied by an affidavit by Orson Hyde, who
was afterward so prominent in the councils of the church, stating
that he knew most of Marsh's statements to be true, and believed
the others to be true also.

Of the witnesses for the defence, two women and one man gave
testimony to establish an alibi for Lyman Wight at the time of
the last Mormon expedition to Daviess County; Rigdon's daughter
Nancy testified that she had heard Avard say that he would swear
to a lie to accomplish an object; and J. W. Barlow gave testimony
to show that Smith and Rigdon were not with the men who took part
in the battle on Crooked Creek.

Rigdon, in an "Appeal to the American People," which he wrote
soon after, declared that this trial was a compound between an
inquisition and a criminal court, and that the testimony of Avard
was given to save his own life. "A part of an armed body of men,"
he says, "stood in the presence of the court to see that the
witnesses swore right, and another part was scouring the country
to drive out of it every witness they could hear of whose
testimony would be favorable to the defendants. If a witness did
not swear to please the court, he or she would be threatened to
be cast into prison . . . . A man by the name of Allen began to
tell the story of Bogart's burning houses in the south part of
Caldwell; he was kicked out of the house, and three men put after
him with loaded guns, and he hardly escaped with his life.
Finally, our lawyers, General Doniphan and Amos Rees, told us not
to bring our witnesses there at all, for if we did, there would
not be one of them left for the final trial . . . . As to making
any impression on King, if a cohort of angels were to come down
and declare we were clear, Doniphan said it would be all the
same, for he had determined from the beginning to cast us into
prison. Smith alleged that judge King was biased against them
because his brother-in-law had been killed during the early
conflicts in Jackson County.

Several of the defendants were discharged during or after the
close of the hearing. Smith, Rigdon, Lyman Wight, and three
others were ordered committed to the Clay County jail at Liberty
on a charge of treason; Parley P. Pratt and four others to the
Ray County jail on a charge of murder; and twenty-three others
were ordered to give bail on a charge of arson, burglary,
robbery, and larceny, and all but eight of these were locked up
in default of bail. The prisoners confined at Liberty secured a
writ of habeas corpus soon after, but only Rigdon was ordered
released, and he thought it best for his safety to go back to the
jail. He afterward, with the connivance of the sheriff and
jailer, made his escape at night, and reached Quincy, Illinois,
in February, 1839.

P. P. Pratt, in his "Late Persecution," says that the prisoners
were kept in chains most of the time, and that Riodon, although
ill, "was compelled to sleep on the floor, with a chain and
padlock round his ankle, and fastened to six others." Hyrum
Smith, in a "Communication to the Saints" printed a year later,
says; "We suffered much from want of proper food, and from the
nauseous cell in which I was confined."

Joseph Smith remained in the Liberty jail until April, 1839. At
one time all the prisoners nearly made their escape, "but
unfortunately for us, the timber of the wall being very hard, our
augur handles gave out, which hindered us longer than we
expected," and the plan was discovered.

The prophet employed a good deal of his time in jail in writing
long epistles to the church. He gave out from there also three
"revelations," the chief direction of which was that the brethren
should gather up all possible information about their
persecutions, and make out a careful statement of their property
losses. His letters reveal the character of the man as it had
already been exhibited --headlong in his purposes, vindictive
toward any enemy. He says in his biography that he paid his
lawyers about $50,000 "in cash, lands, etc." (a pretty good sum
for the refugee from Ohio to amass so soon), but got little
practical assistance from them, "for sometimes they were afraid
to act on account of the mob, and sometimes they were so drunk as
to incapacitate them for business." In one of his letters to the
church he thus speaks of some of his recent allies," This poor
man [W. W. Phelps] who professes to be much of a prophet, has no
other dumb ass to ride but David Whitmer, or to forbid his
madness when he goes up to curse Israel; but this not being of
the same kind as Balaam's, therefore, notwithstanding the angel
appeared unto him, yet he could not sufficiently penetrate his
understanding but that he brays out cursings instead of
blessings." *

* Times and Seasons, Vol. I, p. 82.

On April 6, Smith and his fellow-prisoners were taken to Daviess
County for trial. The judge and jury before whom their cases came
were, according to his account, all drunk. Smith and four others
were promptly indicted for "murder, treason, burglary, arson,
larceny, theft, and stealing." They at once secured a change of
venue to Boone County, 120 miles east, and set out for that place
on April 15, but they never reached there. Smith says they were
enabled to escape because their guard got drunk. In a newspaper
interview printed many years later, General Doniphan is quoted as
saying that he had it on good authority that Smith paid the
sheriff and his guards $1100 to allow the prisoners to escape.
Ebenezer Robinson says that Joseph and Hyrum were allowed to ride
away on two fine horses, and that, a few Weeks later, he saw the
sheriff at Quincy making Joseph a friendly visit, at which time
he received pay for the animals.* The party arrived at Quincy,
Illinois, on April 22, and were warmly welcomed by the brethren
who had preceded them. Among these was Brigham Young, who was
among those who had found it necessary to flee the state before
the final surrender was arranged. The Missouri authorities, as we
shall see, for a long time continued their efforts to secure the
extradition of Smith, but he never returned to Missouri.

As the Mormons had tried to set aside their original agreement
with the Jackson County people, so, while their leaders were in
jail, they endeavored to find means to break their treaty with
General Lucas. Their counsel, General Atchison, was a member of
the legislature, and he warmly espoused their cause. They sent in
a petition,* which John Corrill presented, giving a statement in
detail of the opposition they had encountered in the state, and
asking for the enactment of a law "rescinding the order of the
governor to drive us from the state, and also giving us the
sanction of the legislature to inherit our lands in peace"; as
well as disapproving of the "deed of trust," as they called the
second section of the Lucas treaty. The petition was laid on the
table. An effort for an investigation of the whole trouble by a
legislative committee was made, and an act to that effect was
passed in 1839, but nothing practical came of it. When the Mormon
memorial was called up, its further consideration was postponed
until July, and then the Mormons knew that they had no
alternative except to leave the state.

* For full text, see Millennial Star, Vol. XVI, pp. 586-589.

While the prisoners were in jail, things had not quieted down in
the Mormon counties. The decisive action of the state authorities
had given the local Missourians to understand that the law of the
land was on their side, and when the militia withdrew they took
advantage of their opportunity. Mormon property was not
respected, and what was left to those people in the way of
horses, cattle, hogs, and even household belongings was taken by
the bands of men who rode at pleasure,* and who claimed that they
were only regaining what the Mormons had stolen from them. The
legislature appropriated $2000 for the relief of such sufferers.

* See M. Arthur's letter, "Correspondence, Orders, etc.," p. 94.

Facing the necessity of moving entirely out of the state, the
Mormons, as they had reached the western border line of
civilization, now turned their face eastward to Quincy, Illinois,
where some of their members were already established. Not until
April 20 did the last of them leave Far West. The migration was
attended with much suffering, as could not in such circumstances
be avoided. The people of the counties through which they passed
were, however, not hostile, and Mormon writers have testified
that they received invitations to stop and settle. These were
declined, and they pressed on to the banks of the Mississippi,
where, in February and March, there were at one time more than
130 families, waiting for the moving ice to enable them to cross,
many of them without food, and the best sheltered depending on
tents made of their bedclothing.*

* Green's "Facts Relative to the Expulsion."

What the total of the pecuniary losses of the Mormons in Missouri
was cannot be accurately estimated. They asserted that in Jackson
County alone, $120,000 worth of their property was destroyed, and
that fifteen thousand of their number fled from the state. Smith,
in a statement of his losses made after his arrival in Illinois,
placed them at $1,000,000. In a memorial presented to Congress at
this time the losses in Jackson County were placed at $175,000,
and in the state of Missouri at $2,000,000. The efforts of the
Mormons to secure redress were long continued. Not only was
Congress appealed to, but legislatures of other states were urged
to petition in their behalf. The Senate committee at Washington
reported that the matter was entirely within the jurisdiction of
the state of Missouri. One of the latest appeals was addressed by
Smith at Nauvoo in December, 1843, to his native state, Vermont,
calling on the Green Mountain boys, not only to assist him in
attaining justice in Missouri, "but also to humble and chastise
or abase her for the disgraces she has brought upon
constitutional liberty, until she atones for her sin."

The final act of the Mormon authorities in Missouri was somewhat
dramatic. Smith in his "revelation" of April 8, 1838, directing
the building of a Temple at Far West, had (the Lord speaking)
ordered the beginning to be made on the following Fourth of July,
adding, "in one year from this day let them recommence laying the
foundation of my house." The anniversary found the latest
Missouri Zion deserted, and its occupants fugitives; but the
command of the Lord must be obeyed. Accordingly, the twelve
Apostles journeyed secretly to Far West, arriving there about
midnight of April 26, 1839. A conference was at once held, and,
after transacting some miscellaneous business, including the
expulsion of certain seceding members, all adjourned to the
selected site of the Temple, where, after the singing of a hymn,
the foundation was relaid by rolling a large stone to one
corner.* The Apostles then returned to Illinois as quietly as
possible. The leader of this expedition was Brigham Young, who
had succeeded T. B. Marsh as President of the Twelve.

* The modern post-office name of Far West is Kerr. All the Mormon
houses there have disappeared. Traces of the foundation of the
Temple, which in places was built to a height of three or four
feet, are still discernible.

Thus ended the early history of the Mormon church in Missouri.

BOOK IV. In Illinois

CHAPTER I. The Reception Of The Mormons

The state of Illinois, when the Mormons crossed the Missouri
River to settle in it, might still be considered a pioneer
country. Iowa, to the west of it, was a territory, and only
recently organized as such. The population of the whole state was
only 467,183 in 1840, as compared with 4,821,550 in 1900. Young
as it was, however, the state had had some severe financial
experiences, which might have served as warnings to the
new-comers. A debt of more than $14,000,000 had been contracted
for state improvements, and not a railroad or a canal had been
completed. "The people," says Ford, "looked one way and another
with surprise, and were astonished at their own folly." The
payment of interest on the state debt ceased after July, 1841,
and "in a short time Illinois became a stench in the nostrils of
the civilized world . . . . The impossibility of selling kept us
from losing population; the fear of disgrace or high taxes
prevented us from gaining materially."* The State Bank and the
Shawneetown Bank failed in 1842, and when Ford became governor in
that year he estimated that the good money in the state in the
hands of the people did not exceed one year's interest on the
public debt.

* Ford's "History of Illinois," Chap. VII.

The lawless conditions in many parts of the state in those days
can scarcely be realized now. It was in 1847 that the Rev. Owen
Lovejoy {handwritten comment in the book says "Elijah P.
Lovejoy." PG Editor} was killed at Alton in maintaining his right
to print there an abolition newspaper. All over the state,
settlers who had occupied lands as "squatters" defended their
claims by force, and serious mobs often resulted. Large areas of
military lands were owned by non-residents, who were in very bad
favor with the actual settlers. These settlers made free use of
the timber on such lands, and the non-residents, failing to
secure justice at law, finally hired preachers, who were paid by
the sermon to preach against the sin of "hooking" timber.*

* Ford's "History of Illinois," Chap. VI.

Bands of desperadoes in the northern counties openly defied the
officers of the law, and, in one instance, burned down the
courthouse (in Ogle County in 1841) in order to release some of
their fellows who were awaiting trial. One of these gangs ten
years earlier had actually built, in Pope County, a fort in which
they defied the authorities, and against which a piece of
artillery had to be brought before it could be taken. Even while
the conflict between the Mormons was going on, in 1846, there was
vitality enough in this old organization, in Pope and Massac
counties, to call for the interposition of a band of
"regulators," who made many arrests, not hesitating to employ
torture to secure from one prisoner information about his
associates. Governor Ford sent General J. T. Davies there, to try
to effect a peaceable arrangement of the difficulties, but he
failed to do so, and the "regulators," who found the county
officers opposed to them, drove out of the county the sheriff,
the county clerk, and the representative elect to the
legislature. When the judge of the Massac Circuit Court charged
the grand jury strongly against the "regulators," they, with
sympathizers from Kentucky, threatened to lynch him, and actually
marched in such force to the county seat that the sheriff's posse
surrendered, and the mob let their friends out of jail, and
drowned some members of the posse in the Ohio River.