The Story of the Mormons:

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* Ex. Doc. No. 67, 1st Session, 35th Congress.

** Coverdale's statement in Camp Scott letter, June 4, 1858, to
New York Herald.

*** "Brigham was seated beside the governor on the platform, and
tried to control the unruly spirits. Governor Cumming may for the
moment have been deceived by this apparent division among the
Mormons, but three years later he told the author that it was all
of a piece with the incidents of his passage through Echo Canon.
In his characteristic brusque way he said: 'It was all humbug,
sir, all humbug; but never mind; it is all over now. If it did
them good, it did not hurt me.'"--"Rocky Mountain Saints," p.
393.

Young's remarks on March 21 had been having their effect while
Cumming was negotiating, and an exodus from the northern
settlements was under way which only needed to be augmented by a
movement from the valley to make good Young's declaration that
they would leave their part of the territory a desert. No
official order for this movement had been published, but whatever
direction was given was sufficient. Peace Commissioners Powell
and McCullough, in a report to the Secretary of War dated July 3,
1858, said on this subject: "We were informed by various
(discontented) Mormons, who lived in the settlements north of
Provo, that they had been forced to leave their homes and go to
the southern part of the Territory.... We were also informed that
at least one-third of the persons who had removed from their
homes were compelled to do so. We were told that many were
dissatisfied with the Mormon church, and would leave it whenever
they could with safety to themselves. We are of opinion that the
leaders of the Mormon church congregated the people in order to
exercise more immediate control over them." Not only were houses
deserted, but growing crops were left and heavier household
articles abandoned, and the roads leading to the south and
through Salt Lake City were crowded day by day with loaded
wagons, their owners--even the women, often shoeless trudging
along and driving their animals before them. These refugees were,
a little later, joined by Young and most of his associates, and
by a large part of the inhabitants of Salt Lake City itself. It
was estimated by the army officers at the time that 25,000 of a
total population of 45,000 in the Territory, took part in this
movement. When they abandoned their houses they left them tinder
boxes which only needed the word of command, when the troops
advanced, to begin a general conflagration. By June 1 the
refugees were collected on the western shore of Utah Lake, fifty
miles south of Salt Lake City. What a picture of discomfort and
positive suffering this settlement presented can be partly
imagined. The town of Provo near by could accommodate but a few
of the new-comers, and for dwellings the rest had recourse to
covered wagons, dugouts, cabins of logs, and shanties of boards--
anything that offered any protection. There was a lack of food,
and it was the old life of the plains again, without the daily
variety presented when the trains were moving.

In his report to Secretary Cass, dated May 2, Governor Cumming,
after describing this exodus as a matter of great concern,
said:--

"I shall follow these people and try to rally them. Our military
force could overwhelm most of these poor people, involving men,
women, and children in a common fate; but there are among the
Mormons many brave men accustomed to arms and horses, men who
could fight desperately as guerillas; and, if the settlements are
destroyed, will subject the country to an expensive and
protracted war, without any compensating results. They will, I am
sure, submit to 'trial by their peers,' but they will not brook
the idea of trial by 'juries' composed of 'teamsters and
followers of the camp,' nor any army encamped in their cities or
dense settlements."

What kind of justice their idea of "trial by their peers" meant
was disclosed in the judicial history of the next few years. This
report, which also recited the insults the governor had received
in the Tabernacle, was sent to Congress on June 10 by President
Buchanan, with a special message, setting forth that he had
reason to believe that "our difficulties with the territory have
terminated, and the reign of the constitution and laws been
restored," and saying that there was no longer any use of calling
out the authorized regiments of volunteers.

CHAPTER XV. THE PEACE COMMISSION

Governor Cumming's report of May 2 did not reach Washington until
June 9, but the President's volte-face had begun before that
date, and when the situation in Utah was precisely as it was when
he had assured Colonel Kane that he would send no agent to the
Mormons while they continued their defiant attitude. Under date
of April 6 he issued a proclamation, in which he recited the
outrages on the federal officers in Utah, the warlike attitude
and acts of the Mormon force, which, he pointed out, constituted
rebellion and treason; declared that it was a grave mistake to
suppose that the government would fail to bring them into
submission; stated that the land occupied by the Mormons belonged
to the United States; and disavowed any intention to interfere
with their religion; and then, to save bloodshed and avoid
indiscriminate punishment where all were not equally guilty, he
offered "a free and full pardon to all who will submit themselves
to the just authority of the federal government."

This proclamation was intrusted to two peace commissioners, L. W.
Powell of Kentucky and Major Ben. McCullough of Texas. Powell had
been governor of his state, and was then United States senator-
elect. McCullough had seen service in Texas before the war with
Mexico, and been a daring scout under Scott in the latter war. He
was killed at the battle of Pea Ridge, Arkansas, in 1862, in
command of a Confederate corps.

These commissioners were instructed by the Secretary of War to
give the President's proclamation extensive circulation in Utah.
Without entering into any treaty or engagements with the Mormons,
they were to "bring those misguided people to their senses" by
convincing them of the uselessness of resistance, and how much
submission was to their interest. They might, in so doing, place
themselves in communication with the Mormon leaders, and assure
them that the movement of the army had no reference to their
religious tenets. The determination was expressed to see that the
federal officers appointed for the territory were received and
installed, and that the laws were obeyed, and Colonel Kane was
commended to them as likely to be of essential service.

The commissioners set out from Fort Leavenworth on April 25,
travelling in ambulances, their party consisting of themselves,
five soldiers, five armed teamsters, and a wagon master. They
arrived at Camp Scott on May 29, the reenforcements for the
troops following them. The publication of the President's
proclamation was a great surprise to the military. "There was
none of the bloodthirsty excitement in the camp which was
reported in the States to have prevailed there," says Colonel
Brown, "but there was a feeling of infinite chagrin, a
consciousness that the expedition was only a pawn on Mr.
Buchanan's political chessboard; and reproaches against his folly
were as frequent as they were vehement."*

* Atlantic Monthly, April, 1859.

The commissioners were not long in discovering the untrustworthy
character of any advices they might receive from Governor
Cumming. In their report of June 1 to the Secretary of War, they
mentioned his opinion that almost all the military organizations
of the territory had been disbanded, adding, "We fear that the
leaders of the Mormon people have not given the governor correct
information of affairs in the valley." They also declared it to
be of the first importance that the army should advance into the
valley before the Mormons could burn the grass or crops, and they
gave General Johnston the warmest praise.

The commissioners set out for Salt Lake City on June 2, Governor
Cumming who had returned to Camp Scott with Colonel Kane
following them. On reaching the city they found that Young and
the other leaders were with the refugees at Provo. A committee of
three Mormons expressed to the commissioners the wish of the
people that they would have a conference with Young, and on the
l0th Young, Kimball, Wells, and several of the Twelve arrived,
and a meeting was arranged for the following day.

There are two accounts of the ensuing conferences, the official
reports of the commissioners,* which are largely statements of
results, and a Mormon report in the journal kept by Wilford
Woodruff.** At the first conference, the commissioners made a
statement in line with the President's proclamation and with
their instructions, offering pardon on submission, and declaring
the purpose of the government to enforce submission by the
employment of the whole military force of the nation, if
necessary. Woodruff's "reflection" on this proposition was that
the President found that Congress would not sustain him, and so
was seeking a way of retreat. While the conference was in
session, O.P. Rockwell entered and whispered to Young. The
latter, addressing Governor Cumming, asked, "Are you aware that
those troops are on the move toward the city?" The compliant
governor replied, "It cannot be."*** What followed Woodruff thus
relates:--

* Sen. Doc., 2d Session, 35th Congress, Vol. II, p. 167.

** Quoted in Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 214.

*** Governor Cumming on June 15 despatched a letter to General
Johnston saying that he had denied the report of the advance of
the army, and that the general was pledged not to advance until
he had received communications from the peace commissioners and
the governor. The general replied on the 19th that he did say he
would not advance until he heard from the governor, but that this
was not a pledge; that his orders from the President were to
occupy the territory; that his supplies had arrived earlier than
anticipated, and that circumstances required an advance at once.

"'Is Brother Dunbar present?' enquired Brigham.

"'Yes, sir,' responded someone. What was coming now?

"'Brother Dunbar, sing Zion.' The Scotch songster came forward
and sang the soul-stirring lines by C. W. Penrose."*

* See p. 498, ante.

Interpreted, this meant, "Stop that army or our peace conference
is ended." Woodruff adds:--

"After the meeting, McCullough and Gov. Cumming took a stroll
together. 'What will you do with such a people?' asked the
governor, with a mixture of admiration and concern. 'D--n them, I
would fight them if I had my way,' answered McCullough. "'Fight
them, would you? You might fight them, but you would never whip
them. They would never know when they were whipped.'"

At the second day's conference Brigham Young uttered his final
defiance and then surrendered. Declaring that he had done nothing
for which he desired the President's forgiveness, he satisfied
the pride of his followers with such declarations as these:--

"I can take a few of the boys here, and, with the help of the
Lord, can whip the whole of the United States. Boys, how do you
feel? Are you afraid of the United States? (Great demonstration
among the brethren.) No. No. We are not afraid of man, nor of
what he can do."

"The United States are going to destruction as fast as they can
go. If you do not believe it, gentlemen, you will soon see it to
your sorrow."

But here was the really important part of his remarks: "Now, let
me say to you peace commissioners, we are willing those troops
should come into our country, but not to stay in our city. They
may pass through it, if needs be, but must not quarter less than
forty miles from us."

Impudent as was this declaration to the representatives of the
government, it marked the end of the "war". The commissioners at
once notified General Johnston that the Mormon leaders had agreed
not to resist the execution of the laws in the territory, and to
consent that the military and civil officers should discharge
their duties. They suggested that the general issue a
proclamation, assuring the people that the army would not
trespass on the rights or property of peaceable citizens, and
this the general did at once.

The Mormon leaders, being relieved of the danger of a trial for
treason, now stood in dread of two things, the quartering of the
army among them, and a vigorous assault on the practice of
polygamy. Judge Eckles's District Court had begun its spring term
at Fort Bridger on April 5, and the judge had charged the grand
jury very plainly in regard to plural marriages. On this subject
he said:--

"It cannot be concealed, gentlemen, that certain domestic
arrangements exist in this territory destructive of the peace,
good order, and morals of society--arrangements at variance with
those of all enlightened and Christian communities in the world;
and, sapping as they do the very foundation of all virtue,
honesty, and morality, it is an imperative duty falling upon you
as grand jurors diligently to inquire into this evil and make
every effort to check its growth.

There is no law in this territory punishing polygamy, but there
is one, however, for the punishment of adultery; and all illegal
intercourse between the sexes, if either party have a husband or
wife living at the time, is adulterous and punishable by
indictment. The law was made to punish the lawless and
disobedient, and society is entitled to the salutary effects of
its execution."

No indictments were found that spring for this offence, but the
Mormons stood in great dread of continued efforts by the judge to
enforce the law as he interpreted it. Of the nature of the real
terms made with the Mormons, Colonel Brown says:--

"No assurances were given by the commissioners upon either of
these subjects. They limited their action to tendering the
President's pardon, and exhorting the Mormons to accept it.
Outside the conferences, however, without the knowledge of the
commissioners, assurances were given on both these subjects by
the Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs, which proved
satisfactory to Brigham Young. The exact nature of their pledges
will, perhaps, never be disclosed; but from subsequent
confessions volunteered by the superintendent, who appears to
have acted as the tool of the governor through the whole affair,
it seems probable that they promised explicitly to exert their
influence to quarter the army in Cache Valley, nearly one hundred
miles north of Salt Lake City, and also to procure the removal of
Judge Eckles."*

* Atlantic Monthly, April, 1859. Young told the Mormons at Provo
on June 27, 1858: "We have reason to believe that Colonel Kane,
on his arrival at the frontier, telegraphed to Washington, and
that orders were immediately sent to stop the march of the army
for ten days."--Journal of Discourses, Vol. VII, p. 57.

Captain Marcy had reached Camp Scott on June 8, with his herd of
horses and mules, and Colonel Hoffman with the first division of
the supply train which left Fort Laramie on March 18; on the 10th
Captain Hendrickspn arrived with the remainder of the trains; and
on the 13th the long-expected movement from Camp Scott to the
Mormon city began. To the soldiers who had spent the winter
inactive, except as regards their efforts to keep themselves from
freezing, the order to advance was a welcome one. Late as was the
date, there had been a snowfall at Fort Bridger only three days
before, and the streams were full of water. The column was
prepared therefore for bridge-making when necessary. When the
little army was well under way the scene in the valley through
which ran Black's Fork was an interesting one. The white walls of
Bridger's Fort formed a background, with the remnants of the camp
in the shape of sod chimneys, tent poles, and so forth next in
front, and, slowly leaving all this, the moving soldiers, the
long wagon trains, the artillery carriages and caissons, and on
either flank mounted Indians riding here and there, satisfying
their curiosity with this first sight of a white man's army. The
news that the Mormons had abandoned their idea of resistance
reached the troops the second day after they had started, and
they had nothing more exciting to interest them on the way than
the scenery and the Mormon fortifications. Salt Lake City was
reached on the 26th, and the march through it took place that
day. To the soldiers, nothing was visible to indicate any
abandonment of the hostile attitude of the Mormons, much less any
welcome.

Their leaders had returned to the camp at Provo, and the only
civilians in the city were a few hundred who had, for special
reasons, been granted permission to return. The only woman in the
whole city was Mrs. Cumming. The Mormons had been ordered indoors
early that morning by the guard; every flag on a public building
had been taken down; every window was closed. The regimental
bands and the creaking wagons alone disturbed the utter silence.
The peace commissioners rode with General Johnston, and the whole
force encamped on the river Jordan, just within the city limits.
Two days later, owing to a lack of wood and pasturage there, they
were moved about fifteen miles westward, near the foot of the
mountains. Disregarding Young's expressed wishes, and any
understanding he might have had with Governor Cumming, General
Johnston selected Cedar Valley on Lake Utah for one of the three
posts he was ordered to establish in the territory, and there his
camp was pitched on July 6.

Governor Cumming prepared a proclamation to the inhabitants of
the territory, announcing that all persons were pardoned who
submitted to the law, and that peace was restored, and inviting
the refugees to return to their homes. The governor and the peace
commissioners made a trip to the Mormon camps, and addressed
gatherings at Provo and Lehi. The governor bustled about
everywhere, assuring every one that all the federal officers
would "hold sacred the amnesty and pardon by the President of the
United States, by G-d, sir, yes," and receiving from Young the
sneering reply, "We know all about it, Governor." On July 4., no
northward movement of the people having begun, Cumming told Young
that he intended to publish his proclamation. "Do as YOU please,"
was the contemptuous reply; "to-morrow I shall get upon the
tongue of my wagon, and tell the people that I am going home, and
they can do as THEY please."*

* Tullidge's "History of Salt Lake City," p. 226.

Young did so, and that day the backward march of the people
began. The real governor was the head of the church.

CHAPTER XVI. THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE

We may here interrupt the narrative of events subsequent to the
restoration of peace in the territory, with the story of the most
horrible massacre of white people by religious fanatics of their
own race that has been recorded since that famous St.
Bartholemew's night in Paris--the story of the Mountain Meadows
Massacre. Committed on Friday, September 11, 1857,--four days
before the date of Young's proclamation forbidding the United
States troops to enter the territory--it was a considerable time
before more than vague rumors of the crime reached the Eastern
states. No inquest or other investigation was held by Mormon
authority, no person participating in the slaughter was arrested
by a Mormon officer; and, when officers of the federal government
first visited the scene, in the spring of 1859, all that remained
to tell the tale were human skulls and other bones lying where
the wolves and coyotes had left them, with scraps of clothing
caught here and there upon the vines and bushes. Dr. Charles
Brewer, the assistant army surgeon who was sent with a detail to
bury the remains in May, 1859, says in his gruesome report:--

"I reached a ravine fifty yards from the road, in which I found
portions of the skeletons of many bodies,--skulls, bones, and
matted hair,--most of which, on examination, I concluded to be
those of men. Three hundred and fifty yards further on another
assembly of human remains was found, which, by all appearance,
had been left to decay upon the surface; skulls and bones, most
of which I believed to be those of women, some also of children,
probably ranging from six to twelve years of age. Here, too, were
found masses of women's hair, children's bonnets, such as are
generally used upon the plains, and pieces of lace, muslin,
calicoes, and other materials. Many of the skulls bore marks of
violence, being pierced with bullet holes, or shattered by heavy
blows, or cleft with some sharp-edged instrument."*

* Sen. Doc. No. 42, 1st Session, 36th Congress.

More than seventeen years passed before officers of the United
States succeeded in securing the needed evidence against any of
the persons responsible for these wholesale murders, and a jury
which would bring in a verdict of guilty. Then a single Mormon
paid the penalty of his crime. He died asserting that he was the
one victim surrendered by the Mormon church to appease the public
demand for justice. The closest students of the Mountain Meadows
Massacre and of Brigham Young's rule will always give the most
credence to this statement of John D. Lee. Indeed, to acquit
Young of responsibility for this crime, it would be necessary to
prove that the sermons and addresses in the journal of Discourses
are forgeries.

In the summer of 1857 a party was made up in Arkansas to cross
the plains to Southern California by way of Utah, under direction
of a Captain Fancher.* This party differed from most emigrant
parties of the day both in character and equipment. It numbered
some thirty families,--about 140 individuals,--men, women, and
children. They were people of means, several of them travelling
in private carriages, and their equipment included thirty horses
and mules, and about six hundred head of cattle, when they
arrived in Utah. Most of them seem to have been Methodists, and
they had a preacher of that denomination with them. Prayers were
held in camp every night and morning, and they never travelled on
Sundays. They did not hurry on, as the gold seekers were wont to
do in those days, but made their trip one of pleasure, sparing
themselves and their animals, and enjoying the beauties and
novelties of the route.**

* Stenhouse says that travelling the same route, and encamping
near the Arkansans, was a company from Missouri who called
themselves "Missouri Wildcats," and who were so boisterous that
the Arkansans were warned not to travel with them to Utah.
Whitney says that the two parties travelled several days apart
after leaving Salt Lake City. No mention of a separate company of
Missourians appears in the official and court reports of the
massacre.

** Jacob Forney, in his official report, says that he made the
most careful inquiry regarding the conduct of the emigrants after
they entered the territory, and could testify that the company
conducted themselves with propriety." In the years immediately
following the massacre, when the Mormons were trying to attribute
the crime to Indians, much was said about the party having
poisoned a spring and caused the death of Indians and their
cattle. Forney found that one ox did die near their camp, but
that its death was caused by a poisonous weed. Whitney, the
church historian, who of course acquits the church of any
responsibility for the massacre, draws a very black picture of
the emigrants, saying, for instance, that at Cedar Creek "their
customary proceeding of burning fences, whipping the heads off
chickens, or shooting them in the streets or private dooryards,
to the extreme danger of the inhabitants, was continued. One of
them, a blustering fellow riding a gray horse, flourished his
pistol in the face of the wife of one of the citizens, all the
time making insulting proposals and uttering profane threats."--
"History of Utah," Vol. I, p. 696.

Every emigrant train for California then expected to restock in
Utah. The Mormons had profited by this traffic, and such a thing
as non-intercourse with travellers in the way of trade was as yet
unheard of. But Young was now defying the government, and his
proclamation of September 15 had declared that "no person shall
be allowed to pass or repass into or through or from this
territory without a permit from the proper officer." To a
constituency made up so largely of dishonest members, high and
low, as Young himself conceded the Mormon body politic to be, the
outfit of these travellers was very attractive. There was a
motive, too, in inflicting punishment on them, merely because
they were Arkansans, and the motive was this:--

Parley P. Pratt was sent to explore a southern route from Utah to
California in 1849. He reached San Francisco from Los Angeles in
the summer of 1851, remaining there until June, 1855. He was a
fanatical defender of polygamy after its open proclamation,
challenging debate on the subject in San Francisco, and issuing
circulars calling on the people to repent as "the Kingdom of God
has come nigh unto you." While in San Francisco, Pratt induced
the wife of Hector H. McLean, a custom-house official, the mother
of three children, to accept the Mormon faith and to elope with
him to Utah as his ninth wife. The children were sent to her
parents in Louisiana by their father, and there she sometime
later obtained them, after pretending that she had abandoned the
Mormon belief. When McLean learned of this he went East, and
traced his wife and Pratt to Houston, Texas, and thence to Fort
Gibson, near Van Buren, Arkansas. There he had Pratt arrested,
but there seemed to be no law under which he could be held. As
soon as Pratt was released, he left the place on horseback.
McLean, who had found letters from Pratt to his wife at Fort
Gibson which increased his feeling against the man,* followed him
on horseback for eight miles, and then, overtaking him, shot him
so that he died in two hours.** It was in accordance with Mormon
policy to hold every Arkansan accountable for Pratt's death, just
as every Missourian was hated because of the expulsion of the
church from that state.