A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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William Dobein James. >> A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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Early in the month of January, in this year, the Jacksonborough assembly
commenced its session. As might have been expected, it was entirely
composed of those, who either in a civil or military capacity,
had distinguished themselves in the late contest. In the senate
we have seen there were but thirteen members, which was a bare quorum;
and Gen. Marion could not be spared, for it would have broken up the house.
In the house of representatives, there were but seventy-four members,
of whom sixty formed a quorum. Both houses were therefore remarkably thin;
but what they lacked in numbers they made up in spirit. They passed
the well known confiscation law, avowedly to retaliate on the British
for having acted in like manner to those who had adhered to the Americans;
but privately with a view to enable the state to raise its quota
of continental troops; for Gen. Marion, in a letter to Col. Peter Horry,
of the 10th of February, states, that "Two regiments are to be raised,
as our continental quota, giving each man a negro per year,
which is to be taken from the confiscated estates. A number of large estates
are down on this list, and others are amerced, which will give us
at least a million sterling as a fund." And a clause in the act passed,
enacts, "that there shall be set apart a sufficient number of slaves
to raise the quota of continental troops required of this state." How far
this law might be justified, on the plea of necessity and self-defence,
is quite a different ground from that of retaliation. In the preamble
to the law, the reason given for enacting it is retaliation upon tories
for the injuries done to the property of the whigs by confiscations;
but there appears to be no sound reason for passing the law
as a retaliatory measure. Between rulers and subjects, or citizens,
the duties of subjection and protection are reciprocal;
but, in this case, the rulers were unable to protect the citizens,
and therefore ought not to have expected from them such implicit subjection.
It was only by a few daring spirits, and that generally
in places remote from the enemy, that resistance was kept up;
yet, under existing circumstances, it was not to be looked for from the timid
more immediately in their power. But, as a measure of self-defence,
the law was justifiable.
The governor and council, armed with the supreme power of the state,
had impressed the horses, provisions and indigo of the whigs,
for public services, and that proceeding had scarcely excited a murmur.
These resources had now failed, and the war was to be carried on
without money; then what good reason could be given for
exempting from requisition the negroes and other property of the tories.
In this point of view the case against them becomes the strongest of the two.
Yet the clamour raised against the law at the time and after, was great;
in the legislature their friends became numerous, and as each particular case
was brought forward and considered, it was made an exception,
and the act became a nullity. John Matthews was elected
governor of the state, after Gen. Gadsden, for whom a majority of votes
was first given, had declined serving. A bill was brought in
to indemnify several militia officers who had been concerned
in impressing indigo and other property necessary for public service.
Gen. Marion's name was at first inserted on the list, but when it came
to be read in the senate, he rose and moved to strike it out;
saying, if he had taken the property of any man improperly or unnecessarily,
he was willing to make restitution. The bill passed into a law
without the general's name. Before the adjournment, the powers
left with the governor and council, were as extensive as usual.
Gov. Matthews appears to consider them in a letter to Gen. Leslie,
(12th April) as equal to dispensing with parts of the confiscation act.
The evacuation of Charleston took place on the 14th of December, 1782,
but the militia were not permitted to be witnesses of the ceremony.
The civil authority had interposed to exclude them as dangerous spectators,
and Gen. Greene in his letter of the 22d of November, was so much hurt at it,
that he takes particular pains to exculpate himself from any participation
in that order. In this treatment, the militia shared the fate
usually attending humble friends, who are seldom caressed by the great
any longer than they can be subservient to their views or interests.
Gen. Marion and his brigade were now to part forever.
But as its movements had always been directed without pomp or parade,
so its discharge was conducted with republican simplicity.
In his favourite encampment at Watboo, and on the side of the cedar trees,
he thanked his officers and men for their many and useful services,
and bid them a friendly and affectionate farewell. Two years and a half
had now elapsed since Gen. Marion first assumed his command;
his appearance was not prepossessing, his manners were distant,
but not repulsive, yet few leaders have ever been so popular among their men;
none ever had more of their confidence. He had so much influence
as to settle amicably many disputes among his officers, and even private men;
and never was a duel fought by any of them while under his immediate command.
His stratagems appeared intuitive. Did Gen. Marion march in person
to the attack?* then the common conclusion was, the enemy is taken
by surprise, or we shall fight them on advantageous ground.
--
* Nil desperandum, Teucro duce.
--
The revolutionary war raged no where more than it did where he commanded;
in all this he had the head to lead and to plan, and the discernment to choose
those who could best execute. His personal bravery was displayed
on many occasions, but his own sword struck not the blow, it never was seen
stained with blood; cool and collected, he was always the general,
never the common soldier. In short the whole bent of his soul
was how he should best provide for his men, how he could most annoy the enemy,
and how he could soonest achieve the independence of his country.
The characters of his officers will be best collected from the facts stated.
In taking such wise measures as have been related for
the defence of the lives and property of his friends, Gen. Marion could extend
none of them to his own possessions. His plantation in St. John's
lay within a mile of the marches and countermarches of the British,
and was subject to every species of wanton waste and depredation.
One half of his negroes were taken away, and the other half
must have been faithful, or they would not have remained.
He had ten workers left, but plantation utensils, clothes for his people,
household furniture, and stock of cattle and horses, were all to be purchased
without a cent of money.* He expected to receive half pay,
but even in this was disappointed. At a session of the legislature
shortly after, a garrison was established at fort Johnson,
and he was appointed commander, with a salary of about 500 pounds.**
Yet, in despite of his recent and meritorious services,
this moderate appointment became a butt at which they who
are forever seeking popularity by recommending curtailments
in useful and even necessary expenditures, soon levelled their shafts.
His spirit could not easily brook such treatment, but his debts
made it prudent to submit.
--
* Marion's letter to Col. P. Horry, 18th Jan. 1781.
** Act, 10th March, 1784.
--
At this juncture, his merit and high reputation had made a favourable
impression on the heart of Miss Mary Videau, one of his relations.
She was observed to be fond of hearing his achievements spoken of
in terms of high approbation; some of the general's friends noticed it,
and gave him a hint. He paid his addresses to her and was well received.
They were soon after married, and he resigned his command at the fort.
She brought him a handsome fortune, and as there was no great disparity,
either in their years or disposition, she made him an excellent wife.
She was in countenance the exact counterpart of the general.
She partook in all his amusements, accompanied him in his journeys,
and in his absence could not be better pleased than by hearing his praises.
In short, nothing could have made this matrimonial connexion more happy,
but its being more fruitful. They never had an heir. The general built
a comfortable house of a single story, with one sitting room,
but many chambers; its materials were of the most durable kind of cypress;
but it received no coat either of paint or varnish. Here his friends
were received with a hearty welcome and good cheer, and the stranger
with kind hospitality. His planting interest was judiciously managed,
and his property increased yearly. In the summer months he made excursions,
into the upper country almost every year, for the benefit of his health.
In these journeys he loved to renew former recollections. He had retained
his marquee, camp bed and cooking utensils, and he always travelled
as he had done in his brigade. To his wife nothing could be more pleasant,
and she has often recounted these jaunts to her friends with delight.
The old pot, kettle and frying-pan, tin plates, knives and forks
were preserved as precious relics: the sumpter mules as friends.
His faithful servant Oscar, who had accompanied him through
all his difficulties, always received high marks of his favour.
As to honours, Gen. Marion did not aspire higher than to a seat in the senate,
which he continued to fill as long as he pleased, as a member for St. John's.
In May, 1790, he was a member of the convention for forming
the state constitution; after which he declined all public duties.
In politics he was a moderate federalist; such as were many
great revolutionary characters. In May, 1794, the militia of the state
were re-organized, and soon after Gen. Marion resigned his commission
in the militia. Shortly after his resignation, at a meeting of
the citizens of Georgetown, a committee of four was appointed
to draw up an address to the general. These were William D. James,
Robert Brownfield, Thomas Mitchell and Joseph Blythe. An address was prepared
by the chairman (James,) and unanimously adopted. Copies were also directed
to be distributed through the district. It is as follows:
"Dear General,
At the present juncture, when the necessity of public affairs
requires the military of this state to be organized anew, to repel
the attacks of an enemy from whatever quarter they may be forced upon us,
we, citizens of the district of Georgetown, finding you no longer at our head,
have agreed to convey to you our grateful sentiments for your former
numerous services. In the decline of life when the merits of the veteran
are too often forgotten, we wish to remind you that yours are still fresh
in the remembrance of your fellow citizens. Could it be possible for men
who have served and fought under you, to be now forgetful of that general,
by whose prudent conduct their lives have been saved and their families
preserved from being plundered by a rapacious enemy? We mean not
to flatter you. At this time it is impossible for you to suspect it.
Our present language is the language of free men expressing only
sentiments of gratitude. Your achievements may not have sufficiently swelled
the historic page. They were performed by those who could better wield
the sword than the pen. By men whose constant dangers precluded them
from the leisure, and whose necessities deprived them of
the common implements of writing. But this is of little moment:
they remain recorded in such indelible characters upon our minds,
that neither change of circumstances nor length of time can efface them.
Taught by us, our children shall hereafter point out the places
and say to their children, here Gen. Marion, posted to advantage,
made a glorious stand in defence of the liberties of his country; there,
on disadvantageous ground, retreated to save the lives of his fellow citizens.
What could be more glorious for the general commanding free men
than thus to fight, and thus to save the lives of his fellow soldiers?
Continue general in peace to till those acres which you once wrested
from the hands of an enemy. Continue to enjoy dignity, accompanied with ease,
and to lengthen out your days blessed with the consciousness of conduct
unaccused of rapine or oppression, and of actions ever directed
by the purest patriotism."
This address was presented to the general and gave him great pleasure;
but as he had not latterly been much in the habit of using his pen,
his answer was a verbal one, expressive of his sincere thanks.
On the 27th day of February, 1795, Gen. Marion died at his house
in St. John's parish. As his fame is yet but indistinctly known,
and much of that through the medium of fable, the present attempt
has been made to arrest its progress, to do honour to his memory,
and to transmit his example to posterity.
Gen. Marion's Epitaph.
--------
Sacred to the Memory
of
BRIG. GEN. FRANCIS MARION,
~Who departed this life, on the 27th of February, 1795,~
In the Sixty-Third Year of his Age;
Deeply regretted by all his fellow citizens.
HISTORY
will record his worth, and rising generations embalm
his memory, as one of the most distinguished
Patriots and Heroes of the American Revolution;
which elevated his native Country
TO HONOUR AND INDEPENDENCE,
and
secured to her the blessings of
LIBERTY AND PEACE.
This tribute of veneration and gratitude is erected
in commemoration of
the noble and disinterested virtues of the
CITIZEN;
and the gallant exploits of the
SOLDIER;
Who lived without fear, and died without reproach.
--------
Taken from the marble slab at Belle Isle, this 20th September, 1821,
by Theodore Gourdin.
Appendix.
~The following is the letter of Dr. Robert Brownfield to the author,
giving a detailed account of the defeat of Buford's regiment,
referred to at page 39.~ [Chapter II Paragraph 6]
Dear Sir,
In obedience to your request, I send you a detailed account
of the defeat and massacre of Col. Buford's regiment, near the borders
of North Carolina, on the road leading from Camden to Salisbury.
This regiment consisting of three hundred and fifty men,
well appointed and equipped, had marched from Virginia
for the relief of Charleston, and had advanced to Santee,
where they were met by intelligence of the surrender;
a retreat then became unavoidable. -- Between this place and Camden
they fell in with Gen. Caswell, at the head of about seven hundred
North Carolina militia, whose object had been the same, and whose retreat
became equally imperious. At Camden these two corps unfortunately separated;
Caswell filed off to Pedee, and Buford pursued the road to Salisbury.
This measure was accounted for by the want of correct intelligence
of Tarleton's prompt and rapid movements, who was in full pursuit
with three hundred cavalry, and each a soldier of infantry behind him. --
Neglecting Caswell and his militia, the pursuit was continued after Buford
to the Waxhaw. Finding he was approximating this corps, he despatched a flag,
saying he was at Barclay's with seven hundred men, and summoned them
to surrender on the terms granted to the garrison in Charleston.
Buford immediately laid the summons before a council of his officers
with three distinct propositions from himself: -- Shall we comply
with Tarleton's summons? Shall we abandon the baggage,
and, by a rapid movement, save ourselves? or, shall we fortify ourselves
by the waggons, and wait his approach?
The first and second were decidedly rejected by the unanimous
voice of the council, declaring it to be incompatible with
their honour as soldiers, or the duty they owed their country,
either to surrender or abandon the baggage on the bare statement of Tarleton.
They had no certainty of the truth of his assertion, and that it might be
only a ~ruse de guerre~ to alarm their fears and obtain a bloodless victory.
The third was also negatived on the ground, that although
they might by this means defend themselves against Tarleton,
but as no succour was near, and as Tarleton could, in a short time,
obtain reinforcements from Cornwallis, against which no effectual resistance
could be made, this measure would be unavailable.
The discussion soon resulted in a resolution to continue the march,
maintaining the best possible order for the reception of the enemy.
In a short time Tarleton's bugle was heard, and a furious attack was made
on the rear guard, commanded by Lieut. Pearson. Not a man escaped.
Poor Pearson was inhumanely mangled on the face as he lay on his back.
His nose and lip were bisected obliquely; several of his teeth were broken out
in the upper jaw, and the under completely divided on each side.
These wounds were inflicted after he had fallen, with several others
on his head, shoulders, and arms. As a just tribute to
the honour and Job-like patience of poor Pearson, it ought to be mentioned,
that he lay for five weeks without uttering a single groan.
His only nourishment was milk, drawn from a bottle through a quill.
During that period he was totally deprived of speech,
nor could he articulate distinctly after his wounds were healed.
This attack gave Buford the first confirmation of Tarleton's declaration
by his flag. Unfortunately he was then compelled to prepare for action,
on ground which presented no impediment to the full action of cavalry.
Tarleton having arranged his infantry in the centre, and his cavalry on
the wings, advanced to the charge with the horrid yells of infuriated demons.
They were received with firmness, and completely checked, until the cavalry
were gaining the rear. Buford now perceiving that further resistance
was hopeless, ordered a flag to be hoisted and the arms to be grounded,
expecting the usual treatment sanctioned by civilized warfare.
This, however, made no part of Tarleton's creed. His ostensible pretext,
for the relentless barbarity that ensued, was, that his horse
was killed under him just as the flag was raised. He affected to believe
that this was done afterwards, and imputed it to treachery
on the part of Buford; but, in reality, a safe opportunity was presented
to gratify that thirst for blood which marked his character
in every conjuncture that promised probable impunity to himself.
Ensign Cruit, who advanced with the flag, was instantly cut down.
Viewing this as an earnest of what they were to expect,
a resumption of their arms was attempted, to sell their lives
as dearly as possible; but before this was fully effected,
Tarleton with his cruel myrmidons was in the midst of them,
when commenced a scene of indiscriminate carnage never surpassed
by the ruthless atrocities of the most barbarous savages.
The demand for quarters, seldom refused to a vanquished foe,
was at once found to be in vain; -- not a man was spared --
and it was the concurrent testimony of all the survivors,
that for fifteen minutes after every man was prostrate.
They went over the ground plunging their bayonets into every one
that exhibited any signs of life, and in some instances, where several
had fallen one over the other, these monsters were seen to throw off
on the point of the bayonet the uppermost, to come at those beneath.
Capt. Carter,* who commanded the artillery and who led the van,
continued his march without bringing his guns into action;
this conduct excited suspicions unfavourable to the character of Carter,
and these were strengthened by his being paroled on the ground,
and his whole company without insult or injury being made prisoners of war.
Whether he was called to account for his conduct, I have never learnt.
These excepted, the only survivors of this tragic scene were Capts. Stokes,
Lawson and Hoard, Lieuts. Pearson and Jamison, and Ensign Cruit.
--
* Not Capt. Benjamin Carter, of Camden.
--
To consign to oblivion the memory of these gallant suffering few
would be culpable injustice. When men have devoted their lives
to the service of their country, and whose fate has been
so singularly disastrous; there is an honest anxiety concerning them,
springing from the best and warmest feelings of our nature,
which certainly should be gratified. This is peculiarly the truth
in regard to Capt. John Stokes, although in his military character
perhaps not otherwise distinguished from his brother officers,
than by the number of his wounds and the pre-eminence of sufferings.
He received twenty-three wounds, and as he never for a moment
lost his recollection, he often repeated to me the manner and order
in which they were inflicted.
Early in the sanguinary conflict he was attacked by a dragoon,
who aimed many deadly blows at his head, all of which
by the dextrous use of the small sword he easily parried;
when another on the right, by one stroke, cut off his right hand
through the metacarpal bones. He was then assailed by both,
and instinctively attempted to defend his head with his left arm
until the forefinger was cut off, and the arm hacked in eight or ten places
from the wrist to the shoulder. His head was then laid open
almost the whole length of the crown to the eye brows.
After he fell he received several cuts on the face and shoulders.
A soldier passing on in the work of death, asked if he expected quarters?
Stokes answered I have not, nor do I mean to ask quarters,
finish me as soon as possible; he then transfixed him twice with his bayonet.
Another asked the same question and received the same answer,
and he also thrust his bayonet twice through his body. Stokes had his eye
fixed on a wounded British officer, sitting at some distance,
when a serjeant came up, who addressed him with apparent humanity,
and offered him protection from further injury at the risk of his life.
All I ask, said Stokes, is to be laid by that officer that I may die
in his presence. While performing this generous office the humane serjeant
was twice obliged to lay him down, and stand over him to defend him
against the fury of his comrades. Doct. Stapleton, Tarleton's surgeon,
whose name ought to be held up to eternal obloquy, was then dressing
the wounds of the officer. Stokes, who lay bleeding at every pore, asked him
to do something for his wounds, which he scornfully and inhumanely refused,
until peremptorily ordered by the more humane officer,
and even then only filled the wounds with rough tow, the particles of which
could not be separated from the brain for several days.
Capt. Stokes was a native of Pittsylvania county, Virginia.
He was early intended for the bar, and having gone through the usual course
of classical and other preparatory studies, he commenced the practice
with the most flattering indications of future eminence.
But the calm pursuits of peace not comporting with the ardour of his mind,
he relinquished the fair prospect of professional emolument,
and accepted a captaincy in Buford's regiment.
At this catastrophe, he was about twenty-seven years of age.
His height was about the common standard; his figure and appearance,
even in his mangled situation, inspired respect and veneration;
and the fire of genius that sparkled in his dark piercing eye,
gave indications of a mind fitted not only for the field,
but for all the departments of civil life.
Shortly after the adoption of the constitution of the United States,
he was promoted to the bench in the Federal Court -- married Miss Pearson --
and settled on the Yadkin river, where the county is called Stokes,
after his name.
(Signed,)
R. Brownfield.
--------
The following letter from Major Keating Simons, was received too late to be
inserted either in the body, or in a note to this work, although it contains
one of the finest traits of the character of Gen. Marion. --
Major Muller and Major Simons acted as brigade majors to the general,
and both were high in his confidence.
After the war Major Simons engaged in the useful business of a factor,
and received the patronage and approbation of numerous friends.
While himself labouring under many difficulties, arising from the war,
he extended his helping hand to his old friend the general,
struggling from the same cause under still greater embarrassments,
and had the satisfaction to assist in extricating him from many of them.
This debt of gratitude was not forgotten; when Mrs. Marion was dying
she left the one half of her fortune to the late Keating Lewis Simons, Esq.
eldest son of the major: but two short years since the ornament of the bar
and of his country.
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