A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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William Dobein James. >> A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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* Had Gen. Gates reached the important pass of Gum Swamp,
and occupied it properly, the fortune of war might have been changed.
It is a miry creek, impassible for many miles, except at the road.
He missed it only by a few minutes. And his popularity,
though gained by much merit, was lost by no greater crime
than that of trusting too much to militia.
** The Marquis De La Fayette and Baron De Kalb arrived in the United States
in the same small vessel, which made the land at North inlet,
near Georgetown, about the middle of June, in the year 1777.
They lay in the offing, and seeing a canoe, with two negroes in it,
come out of the inlet a fishing, they sent off a boat,
which intercepted them. Fortunately they belonged to Capt. Benjamin Huger,
who had just arrived at North Island with his family, to spend the summer.
The negroes conducted the marquis and baron to their master's house,
where he received them with joy, and, it need not be added,
with hospitality. Never was a meeting of three more congenial souls.
The major afterwards conducted his two illustrious guests to Charleston.
Major Huger was the father of Col. Huger, who afterwards engaged
in the well known enterprize of delivering the marquis from
the dungeon of Olmutz; and perhaps the seeds of that honourable undertaking
were sown under his father's roof.
--
"I have given orders, that the inhabitants of the province,
who have taken part in this revolt, should be punished
with the greatest rigour; and also those who will not turn out,
that they may be imprisoned, and their property taken from them, or destroyed.
I have likewise ordered, that compensation be made out of their estates,
to the persons who have been injured or oppressed by them.
I have ordered, in the most positive manner, that every militia man
who has borne arms with us, and afterwards joined the army, shall be
immediately hanged. I desire you will take the most rigourous measures
to punish the rebels in the district in which you command; and that you obey
in the strictest manner the directions I have given in this letter,
relative to the inhabitants of this country." And wherever the British
had garrisons or power these orders were carried into effect.
Under them, at, or near Camden, Samuel Andrews, Richard Tucker, John Miles,
Josiah Gayle, Eleazar Smith, ---- Sones, and many others, were hanged.
Under them also, Cols. John Chesnut and Joseph Kershaw, Mr. James Brown,
Mr. Strother, Mr. James Bradley, and a multitude of others,
languished in irons, while their property was destroyed,
and their families were starving. Yet Tarleton says of Lord Cornwallis,
"He endeavoured so to conduct himself as to give offence to no party,
and the consequence was that he was able entirely to please none."
Of what kind of stuff must this man's heart have been made?
But let us inquire a little further into the nature of these orders; which,
in their extent, would have condemned to death, imprisonment and confiscation
three fourths of the militia, who at that time, or afterwards,
acted under the American standard in South Carolina.
The proclamation of the British commanders of the 1st of June, 1780,
before noticed, was either a snare to entrap the people into allegiance,
and, as a necessary consequence, into recruits for their army;
or it was terms of capitulation, fairly offered by the British commanders,
to all such people as would submit to them. In other words,
it was ~a solemn covenant~.*1* If the proclamation was a snare,
to bring the people to fight against their countrymen,
as it has been generally thought, it was a breach of faith
in those commanders, and not binding upon the people;*2* and the sooner
they could avoid the treachery the better. Then, upon this view of the case,
the more wicked were the orders of Lord Cornwallis, issued on
the unsound principle of a faithless proclamation. Again, if it was intended
as a covenant; as the paroles issued under it made them prisoners;
the people, from the terms and the nature of it, ought to have been suffered
to remain at home, in peace and quiet; for being prisoners,
they could not, consistent with reason or principle, serve under those
who held them in imprisonment. Further, the second proclamation
declaring all paroles, after the 20th June, to be null and void,
was an arbitrary change of what had been agreed upon by one party,
the strongest, without the consent of the other; which,
in the language of civilians, ~is odious~.*3* Then the British commanders,
having broken their covenant and declared it void, upon what principle
could the people be punished by a breach of it? Upon none;
for it did not exist. But further, the taking up arms
in favour of the British, in nine cases out of ten, was compulsory;
and could have no binding effect, either legally or morally speaking.
--
*1* Puff. L.N. viii.6.24. Vatt. B.2.C.14. S.214-15.
*2* Ibid, B.2.C.13. S.200.
*3* Vattel B.2.C.17. S.304. B.3.C.13. S.201.
--
In addition to the enormity of the principle, upon which such men
were to suffer, was the uncertainty of the law; for Lord Cornwallis' orders
are so confusedly drawn, they will admit, as against the accused,
of any latitude of construction: yet they denounce confiscation,
imprisonment and death. Under the circumstances stated,
the confiscations of Lord Cornwallis were robberies, his imprisonments
were unjust and cruel, and his executions, always upon the gibbet,
were military murders. And if, to gain his point, he did not,
like the Duke of Alva, (employed in a similar vocation)
make use of the rack, the stake, and the faggot, yet Lord Cornwallis
resorted to every other mode of punishment, a more improved civilization
had left him, to suppress civil liberty. Such was the character
of the commander in chief of the British forces in South Carolina.
Now, we hold a generous foe entitled to favour and respect, and we shall
hereafter bestow it, wherever due; but the interest of humanity requires,
and it is a sacred trust, in the historian, that cruel domineering spirits
should be fully exposed.
Soon after the affair at Nelson's, Gen. Marion marched back to Port's ferry.
On the way, many of the militia, and all the liberated continentals,
except three, deserted him. Two of these were Sergeants M`Donald and Davis,
who were afterwards noted, the first for his daring spirit and address
in single combat; the second, for his patient services, after being crippled
by a wound. It is a real pleasure to record the virtues of men,
who, serving in a subordinate capacity, never expected such virtues
should be known. By the exertions of Gen. Marion and his officers,
the spirits of the drooping militia began to revive. But about the 27th day
of August, when, having the command of only one hundred and fifty men,
he heard of the approach of Major Wemyss, above Kingstree,
at the head of the 63d regiment, and a body of tories, under Maj. Harrison.
Maj. James was instantly despatched, at the head of a company of volunteers,
with orders to reconnoitre, and count them. Col. Peter Horry was called in,
and the general crossed Lynch's creek, and advanced to give battle.
The night after Maj. James received his orders, the moon shone brightly,
and by hiding himself in a thicket, close to their line of march, he formed
a good estimate of the force of the enemy. As their rear guard passed,
he burst from his hiding place, and took some prisoners.
On the same night, about an hour before day, Marion met the major
half a mile from his plantation. The officers immediately dismounted,
and retired to consult, and the men sat on their horses
in a state of anxious suspense. The conference was long and animated.
At the end of it, an order was given to direct the march
back to Lynch's creek, and no sooner was it given than a hollow groan
might have been heard along the whole line. A bitter cup
had now been mingled for the people of Williamsburgh and Pedee;
and they were doomed to drain it to the dregs: but in the end
it proved a salutary medicine. Maj. James reported the British force
to be double that of Marion's; and Ganey's party of tories in the rear,
had always been estimated at five hundred men. In such a crisis,
a retreat was deemed prudent. Gen. Marion recrossed the Pedee, at Port's;
and the next evening, at the setting sun, commenced his retreat
to North Carolina. (28th August, 1780.) He was accompanied by many officers,
the names of all are not now recollected, and it may appear invidious
to mention a few; the number of privates had dwindled down to sixty men.
Capt. John James, with about ten chosen men, was left behind
to succour the distressed, and to convey intelligence. The general's march,
was, for some time, much impeded by the two field pieces,
which he attempted to take along; but, after crossing the little Pedee,
he wheeled them off to the right, and deposited them in a swamp;
where they may since have amused the wondering deer hunter.
This was the last instance of military parade evinced by the general.
By marching day and night, he arrived at Amy's mill, on Drowning creek;
whence he detached Maj. James, with a small party of volunteers,
back to South Carolina, to gain intelligence, and to rouse the militia.
Considering the distance back, and the British and tories in the rear,
this was a perilous undertaking. The general continued his march,
and pitched his camp for some time, on the east side of the White marsh,
near the head of the Waccamaw.
At this place, the author had, (in the absence of his father,)
the honour to be invited to dine with the general. The dinner was set
before the company by the general's servant, Oscar, partly on a pine log,
and partly on the ground; it was lean beef, without salt, and sweet potatoes.
The author had left a small pot of boiled homminy in his camp,
and requested leave of his host to send for it; and the proposal
was acquiesced in, gladly. The homminy had salt in it,
and proved, although eaten out of the pot, a most acceptable repast.
The general said but little, and that was chiefly what a son
would be most likely to be gratified by, in the praise of his father.
They had nothing to drink but bad water; and all the company
appeared to be rather grave.
At length Maj. James arrived. The news was, that the country
through which Wemyss had marched, for seventy miles in length, and at places
for fifteen miles in width, exhibited one continued scene of desolation.
On most of the plantations every house was burnt to the ground,
the negroes were carried off, the inhabitants plundered, the stock,
especially sheep, wantonly killed; and all the provisions, which could
be come at, destroyed. Fortunately the corn was not generally housed,
and much of that was saved. Capt. James had fired upon a party
at M'Gill's plantation; but it only increased the rage of the enemy.
Adam Cusan had shot at the black servant of a tory officer, John Brockington,
whom he knew, across Black creek. He was taken prisoner soon after,
and for this offence, tried by a court martial, and, on the evidence
of the negro, hanged. His wife and children prostrated themselves
before Wemyss, on horseback, for a pardon; and he would have rode over them,
had not one of his own officers prevented the foul deed;
from this scene he proceeded on to superintend the execution.
But these acts of wantonness and cruelty had roused the militia;
and Maj. James reported they were ready to join the general.
Marion, in a few days after, returned to South Carolina by a forced march.
On the second day, while passing through the tory settlement, on Little Pedee,
he traversed sixty miles, and arriving near Lynch's creek,
was joined by Capts. John James and Henry Mouzon, with a considerable force.
Here he was informed that a party of tories, but more numerous than his own,
lay at Black Mingo, fifteen miles below, under the command
of Capt. John Coming Ball. He might soon have been reinforced,
but finding his men unanimous for battle, he gratified their wishes.
The tories were posted at Shepherd's ferry, on the south side of Black Mingo,
a deep navigable creek, and had command of the passage. To approach them,
Gen. Marion was obliged to cross the creek, one mile above,
over a boggy causeway and bridge of planks. It was nearly midnight
when he arrived at the bridge; and while the party was crossing it,
an alarm gun was heard in the tory camp. The general immediately
ordered his men to follow him in full gallop, and, in a few minutes,
they reached the main road which led to the ferry, about three hundred yards
in front of it. Here they all dismounted, except a small body, which acted
as cavalry. The general ordered a corps of supernumerary officers,
under the command of Capt. Thomas Waties, to proceed down the road,
and attack Dollard's house, where it was supposed the tories were posted,
and at the same time he detached two companies to the right,
under Col. Hugh Horry, and the cavalry to the left, to support the attack.
Before the corps of officers could reach the house, the party on the right
had encountered the enemy, who had left the house, and were drawn up
in an old field opposite to it. This circumstance gave to the latter
all the advantage of a surprise, and their first fire was so severe
and unexpected, as to oblige Horry's men to fall back in some confusion;
these were, however, soon rallied by the great exertions of Capt. John James.
And the tories in the mean time being attacked on their flank
by the corps of officers, and finding themselves between two fires,
gave way after a few rounds, and took refuge in Black Mingo swamp,
which was in their rear. This action, although of short duration,
was so closely and sharply contested, that the loss on both sides
was nearly one third, killed and wounded.
Capt. George Logan, of Charleston, had been sick near the White marsh;
but, hearing that Marion had marched for South Carolina, he rose from his bed,
mounted his horse, and rode eighty miles the day before the action,
to join him, and was killed that night at Black Mingo.
Such was the energy of this fallen patriot. Two other gallant officers,
Capt. Henry Mouzon and his Lieut. Joseph Scott, were, by their wounds,
rendered unfit for further service.
Many of the enemy had been lately companions in arms with Marion,
and in a short time joined him again, and behaved well afterwards.
As many of his party had left their families in much distress,
the general gave them leave to go to their homes, and appointed them
to meet him at Snow's island, on the Pedee. They delayed so long,
that he began to despair of their coming, and proposed to a few officers,
who were with him, to abandon South Carolina, and join Gen. Greene,
at Charlotte. But Col. Hugh Horry, who was his bosom friend,
and partook more of his confidence than any other man,
prevailed upon him to remain. The services of Col. Hugh Horry, in the field,
were certainly highly meritorious; but he never rendered his country
more effectual aid than by this act of friendly persuasion.
The militia at length came in. The general soon after,
marched up into Williamsburgh, and gained reinforcements daily.
His first intention was to chastise Harrison, on Lynch's creek;
and he was moving up for that purpose, but hearing that Col. Tynes
had summoned the people of Salem, and the fork of Black river, out to do duty
as his majesty's subjects, he instantly resolved to break up the party,
before its newly made converts should become confirmed in the principles
they had unwillingly adopted. -- Tynes lay encamped at Tarcote,
in the fork of Black river, much off his guard, and Gen. Marion
crossing the lower ford of the northern branch of that river,
at Nelson's plantation, marched up and surprised him in the night.
The rout was universal, and attended, as Tarcote swamp was near,
with more dismay than slaughter. Gen. Marion lost not a man;
some tories were killed, and among the rest Capt. Amos Gaskens;
a man noted before the war for petty larceny, and after it commenced,
for plundering under Major Wemyss. The most of Tynes' men,
soon after joined Gen. Marion, and fought bravely.
The next enemy Gen. Marion proceeded to encounter was
the renowned Col. Tarleton. Hearing that he had left Charleston,
where he had been for some time past confined with a fever,
and that he was to cross at Nelson's ferry with a body of cavalry,
Gen. Marion lay in wait for him, in the river swamp, a part of two days.
(Nov. 1780.) He had cut bushes, and planted them on the road side
in such a manner as would have ensured him a deadly fire.
But in the evening of the second day, he was informed
that Tarleton had passed before he had arrived on his way to Camden;
and the general immediately commenced his march up the road
in the same direction. In the night he stopped in a wood,
near where Mr. Charles Richardson now lives, and was about to encamp;
but seeing a great light towards Gen. Richardson's plantation,
he concluded that it was the houses of the plantation on fire,
and that Tarleton was there. While deliberating what was to be done,
Col. Richard Richardson came in, and informed him the enemy was there,
and at least double his number, with two field pieces; and it was discovered
that one of his men had deserted to them. Finding Tarleton had now a guide,
and that his position was unsafe, Marion immediately retreated; and crossing
the Woodyard, then a tremendous swamp, in the most profound darkness,*
he never stopped till he had passed Richbourgh's mill dam, on Jack's creek,
distant about six miles. Having now a mill pond and miry swamp
between him and the enemy, and the command of a narrow pass,
the first words the general was heard to say were, "Now we are safe!"
As soon as Tarleton received intelligence of Gen. Marion's position,
and had got a guide, he thought to make sure of his prey, and commenced
his march: he was led in silence to the spot which he contemplated
as another scene of slaughter; but his intended victim had flown.
He pursued to the Woodyard, but could not pass that night.
The next morning Marion, knowing the vigilance of his foe, decamped betimes;
and pursuing his route down Black river, for thirty-five miles,
through woods, and swamps and bogs, where there was no road,
encamped the following night on advantageous ground,
at Benbow's ferry, now Lowry's bridge, about ten miles above Kingstree,
on the east side of Black river. In a partisan warfare this position
was the best that could have been taken. He could now defend himself,
first at Black river itself; and after that at three difficult passes,
of swamps, in his rear; all within ten miles, on that side of the river,
before he reached Kingstree; but on the direct road to that place,
on the west, there was but the one defile at the river;
besides the possibility of being overtaken before he reached it.
Here then Marion determined to make a stand, and felled trees across the road
to impede the enemy. On the morning after the retreat,
Tarleton found Marion's trail across the Woodyard, but went round it,
and pursued, as he says, "for seven hours, through swamps and defiles."
In fact he pursued about twenty-five miles, when arriving at Ox swamp,**
which was wide and miry, and without a road to pass it,
he desisted, saying to his men, "Come my boys! let us go back,
and we will soon find the game cock, (meaning Sumter)
but as for this d----d ~old fox~, the devil himself could not catch him."
After this, the two generals were thus characterized.
It is amusing to read Tarleton's pompous account of this pursuit.
He insinuates that Marion's sole view was to save himself;
as Tarleton stopped ten or twelve miles short of Benbow's,
he might not have heard of the preparations made there
to receive him. For the same distance Marion had been skirting
the south branch of Black river, and could at any time,
in a few minutes, have plunged into it, and no regular body of cavalry
could have followed him. Had Tarleton proceeded with his jaded horses
to Benbow's, he would have exposed his force to such sharp shooting as he had
not yet experienced, and that in a place where he could not have acted
either with his artillery or cavalry.
--
* Darkness visible.
** This Ox swamp is twenty-three miles above Kingstree,
another mentioned hereafter, is thirteen miles below.
--
On this expedition, Tarleton burnt the house, out houses,
corn and fodder, and a great part of the cattle, hogs and poultry,
of the estate of Gen. Richardson. The general had been active
with the Americans, but was now dead; and the British leader,
in civilized times, made his widow and children suffer
for the deeds of the husband and parent, after the manner of the East,
and coast of Barbary. What added to the cruel nature of the act,
was that he had first dined in the house, and helped himself
to the abundant good cheer it afforded. But we have seen before
the manner in which he requited hospitality. It was generally observed
of Tarleton and his corps, that they not only exercised more acts of cruelty
than any one in the British army, but also carried further
the spirit of depredation.
The wise policy of Gen. Marion had hitherto been to keep his own party,
as yet but small, constantly in motion, and thus to multiply it,
in the view of the enemy; and immediately to strike at all other parties
preparing to join them. Had parties from the country been suffered
to incorporate with the British, and to unite in their principles and views,
the sense of a dereliction of duty, and the punishment expected to await it,
as well as the pride of opinion, usually attending a new conversion,
might have kept them firm in their apostacy. Of a truth,
Gen. Marion made many converts to the cause of his country.
Many from inclination and principle felt a strong desire to join him,
and again to reconcile themselves to the cause they had at first adopted
and deserted with the utmost reluctance, and became confirmed in their views,
by his apparent abilities and successes; others had felt
the suddenness and unexpected severity of his midnight blows,
and thought the step of uniting with him would be the most prudent or politic.
From the operation of both sentiments, the people of that tract of country,
on a line, stretching from Camden across to the mouth of Black creek,
on Pedee, including generally both banks of the Wateree, Santee and Pedee,
down to the sea coast, were now (excepting Harrison's party on Lynch's creek)
either ready or preparing to join Gen. Marion. Many had already
served under him, within the lines of the British or tories, and submitted
to all the subsequent losses; which although the more to their credit,
it is now much to be regretted, that they cannot be particularized.
As to the people of old Cheraw district, above the line designated,
and especially on the Pedee, they were at this time under their leader
Gen. Thomas, waging an exterminating warfare with the tories
on their borders; which still remains, and it is more than probable
ever will remain, unrecorded.
From Benbow's ferry, Gen. Marion's first expedition was planned
against Georgetown. The formidable enemy he had nearly encountered,
had not diminished his energies. Georgetown, at that period, and afterwards,
was often the point to which his views were directed; since it was there only
he expected to take the supplies of ammunition, clothing and salt,
which he sorely wanted. To expedite his scheme he crossed Black river,
at Potato ferry, a retired place, and proceeded on towards Georgetown
by the Gap way. -- Three miles from the town there is a swamp
called White's bay,* which discharges itself by two mouths,
the one into Black river, the other into Sampit, thus insulating the town.
Over the one, which empties itself into Sampit, there is a bridge,
two miles from Georgetown, called White's bridge. Back of these swamps,
Gen. Marion took his stand, near a place called the Camp, above the bridge.
Here he despatched Col. P. Horry towards the Black river,
and Capt. John Melton to the Sampit road, both leading into the town,
to reconnoitre. At White's plantation, Horry fell in with Capt. Merritt,
who, with a few dragoons, was escorting a couple of ladies from Georgetown;
Merritt, after defending himself bravely, escaped and gave the alarm.
Melton, unfortunately, came in contact with a party of tories,
under Barefield, much larger than his own, who were patroling near the bridge.
A few shots were exchanged, and Melton was compelled to retreat.
But in this short affair Gabriel Marion, nephew of the general,
had his horse killed under him, and was taken prisoner;
but as soon as his name was announced, he was inhumanely shot.
The instrument of death was planted so near that it burnt his linen
at the breast. He had been a lieutenant in the second regiment,
was a young gentleman of good education, of whom high expectations
were formed, and who was much beloved in the brigade. As the general
had no children, he mourned over this nephew, as would a father
over an only son; but he soon recollected that he had an example to set,
and shortly after publicly expressed this consolation for himself --
that his nephew was a virtuous young man -- that he had fallen
in the cause of his country, and he would mourn over him no more.
At the same time Mr. Swaineau, a worthy man, was killed. Ere this,
he had exercised the peaceful profession of a schoolmaster; but finding
there was no employment for him in these perilous times, he had boldly
shouldered the musket, and died a soldier. But so prone are mankind
to pass over the merits of this most useful class of men,
that had he not fallen by the side of a Marion, perhaps his memory would have
been forgotten. About the same time, Mr. Bentley, another schoolmaster,
was killed in action. The suspension of all public education, which led
to the fate of such men, and the discontinuance of all religious worship,
hereafter more particularly noticed, are striking instances
of the calamitous state of the country during this period.
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