A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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William Dobein James. >> A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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* Inland swamps in the lower and middle country are called ~Bays~,
from their natural growth, which is the ~bay~ tree,
a name sufficiently appropriate.
--
The British in Georgetown being now alarmed, Gen. Marion's wise scheme
to surprise them was frustrated; and he retired to Snow's island.
This island became henceforth the most constant place of his encampment;
a secure retreat, a depot for his arms and ammunition; and,
under similar pressures, a second ~Athelney~, from which he might sally out
upon the modern, but no less ferocious plunderers than their ancestors,
the Danes. Snow's island, not quite so marshy as was the retreat
of the great Alfred, lies at the confluence of Lynch's creek and the Pedee.
On the east flows the Pedee; on the west Clark's creek, a navigable stream,
issuing from Lynch's creek above; and on the north lies Lynch's creek,
nearly choked up by rafts of logs, but wide and deep.
The island is high river swamp, and large, of itself affording
much provision and live stock, as did all the Pedee river swamp at that day.
In places, there were open cultivated lands on the island;
but it was much covered by thick woods and cane brakes;
it was also near to Ganey's party of tories; and by crossing the river,
and marching two or three hours, Marion could forage in an enemy's country.
All these advantages were well suited to the views of such a leader
as Gen. Marion; and the reader is to bear in mind that such was
the kind of swamps he commonly occupied. Reinforcements were now
coming in to him daily, and his party began at this time
to assume the appearance and force of a brigade. He lay here
to receive them, and to repose his men, and horses; which,
from the time he left the White marsh until he halted at Snow's island,
had passed over at least three hundred and sixty miles,
in rapid marches and counter marches, made principally in the night.
Marion now kept out a strict watch upon the enemy. About this time,
Lieut. Roger Gordon was sent out with a party, to patrole on Lynch's creek,
and stopped at a house for provisions and refreshments. While there,
he was attacked by Capt. Butler with a much larger party of tories,
who having succeeded in making good his approaches to the house,
set it on fire. Gordon then capitulated on a promise of quarters;
but no sooner had his party grounded their arms, than they were all
put to death. Not long after, Col. Kalb, Mr. Thomas Evans and some others,
were murdered by Gibson, a coloured man, and his party of tories,
in a manner still more shocking to humanity. In the dead of night,
Kalb's own house was surrounded, and set on fire; he, his wife, and family,
and some neighbours were in it, and in bed, when awaking,
they sued for quarters. Gibson promised that they should not be hurt,
if they surrendered; but as soon as the men had passed out
into the light of the conflagration, they were all shot.
We have some time since mentioned the murder of the two Bradleys, and others,
on Lynch's Creek, and lately that of Gabriel Marion. Such provocations
were no longer to be borne. Henceforth, there commenced
such a bloody warfare between the whigs and tories, as is seldom recorded
in the annals of even civil commotion.* Besides the provocations mentioned,
when a tory was taken prisoner, there were no means of securing him,
and he commonly soon made his escape, and thereafter became a guide
to his associates. It was not so with whigs who were made prisoners,
for they could be sent to Georgetown or Camden. But now,
seldom were prisoners made on either side, and if made,
that was no security for their lives: they were sure to be put to death,
either openly or privately, by a few infuriated men, who could be subjected
to no subordination. Enough is said. Let the rest be buried in oblivion.
--
* Bella, plus quam civilia; bella, nullos habitura triumphos.
--
At and near Snow's island, Gen. Marion secured what boats he wanted;
and burnt those more remote. To prevent the approach of an enemy,
he fell upon a plan of insulating as much as possible
the country under his command. For this purpose he broke down bridges,
and felled trees across causeways and difficult passes.
As there was no market in that day, and the vicinity of a road was dangerous,
the inhabitants aided him much in this design. History furnishes innumerable
instances of the good effect of such a system of defensive warfare.
His scouting parties moved principally in the night, and in all directions,
and to whatever course they turned an enemy was easily found.
The British had posts at Nelson's ferry, Scott's lake, and Georgetown;
and the tories on Lynch's creek, and Little Pedee, were more numerous,
but not so well directed as Marion's party.
Col. P. Horry and Maj. John Postell, with detachments, were posted,
the first on Waccamaw creek, the second on the neck between
Black and Pedee rivers, with orders to take all boats and canoes,
and all horses, from friends or foes; to impress negroes
as boat hands and pioneers, to seize all arms and ammunition,
to prevent provisions from being sent to the enemy in Georgetown,
and to send up as much rice and salt to Snow's island, as possible.
(30th Dec. 1780.) All who would not join them were to be taken prisoners,
and all who supplied the enemy with stock, or grain, were to be treated
as traitors. Thus martial law was fully established, and, for self defence,
never was it more necessary. When Gen. Marion himself, or any of his parties,
left the island on an expedition, they almost invariably struck into the woods
towards the heads of the larger water courses, and crossed them
near their source; and if in haste, they swam over them.
Many of the general's trails remained for a long time after,
and some are now roads. When it is said hereafter that Gen. Marion
crossed a river, for instance the Santee, it is not to be understood
that he stopped, like Caesar at the Rhine, to build a bridge over it;
or that he was provided with the convenient modern apparatus of pontoons,
or oftentimes with a common flat; even the last would have been too slow
for the usual rapidity of his motions. He seldom waited
for more than a single canoe, along side of which his sorrel horse Ball,*
was usually led into the river, and he floated over like an amphibious animal.
The rest of the horses soon learned to follow instinctively.
Where a canoe was not to be had, the general swam over frequently
on the back of this uncommon horse. No leader, in ancient or modern times,
ever passed rivers with more rapidity. His plans were laid,
and his movements conducted, with the most uncommon secrecy.
After making a movement, his most confidential officers and men
have had to search for him for days together, perhaps without finding him.
His scouts, when returning, and at a loss, used a loud and shrill whistle,
as a signal; which could be heard in the night to an astonishing distance.
It is well described in Scott's Lady of the Lake:
-------- "He whistled shrill,
And he was answered from the hill;
Wild as the scream of the curlew,
From crag to crag, the signal flew."
--
* He was taken from Capt. Ball, at Black Mingo.
--
As an instance of the secrecy with which Gen. Marion's plans
were always adopted and conducted, the following may be regarded
as a specimen in his progress throughout. His men having been several times
unexpectedly led out upon long expeditions, without preparation,
and suffering for the want of food on such occasions, after some time,
were in the habit of watching his cook, and if they saw him unusually busied
in preparing any of the frugal fare then in use, they prepared accordingly.
The general's favourite time for moving was at the sitting sun,
and then it was expected the march would continue all night.
But the present time, and afterwards, before striking any sudden blow,
he has been known to march sixty or seventy miles, without taking
any other refreshment, than a meal of cold potatoes and a drink of cold water,
in twenty-four hours. During this period men were but badly clothed
in homespun, which afforded little warmth. They slept in the open air,
according to their means, either with or without a blanket.
They had nothing but water to drink. They fed chiefly upon sweet potatoes,
either with or without fresh beef. And they submitted to this without
a murmur; but all sighed for salt! for salt! that first article of necessity
for the human race. Little do the luxurious of the present day know
of the pressure of such a want. Salt was now ten silver dollars the bushel,
when brought more than thirty miles from the Waccamaw sea shore, where it was
coarsely manufactured. It was harder to get one silver dollar then,
than ten now; so that on a low calculation, a bushel of coarse bay salt,
sold at that time for one hundred dollars value of the present day.
As soon as Gen. Marion could collect a sufficient quantity of this
desirable article at Snow's island, he distributed it out in quantities,
not exceeding a bushel to each whig family; and thus endeared himself the more
to his followers.
Thus closed the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty,
over the head of Gen. Marion. We will leave him for a moment,
to such repose as the island afforded, and state some matters
to carry on the chain of events.
On the 12th July, General Sumter commenced his brilliant career.
On the west of the Catawba, he defeated a large party of tories,
and a party of British, and killed Col. Ferguson, who commanded the former,
and Capt. Huck, at the head of the latter. This man had shocked
the good Presbyterians in that part of the country by his profanity;
he burnt their church, their parsonage, and their bibles,
and treated them with insult and cruelty. About the 30th July,
Gen. Sumter nearly annihilated the Prince of Wales' regiment,
and routed a large body of tories at the Hanging rock. --
Soon after the defeat of Gates, the enemy was left at liberty
to turn a greater force upon Sumter, and his men, being worn down
by fatigue and want of sleep, he was surprised and defeated at Fishing creek,
by Tarleton, but with little loss, for he rallied his forces
~in three days after~.* On the 12th Nov. Major Wemyss attempted
to surprise him near the Fishdam ford, on Broad river,
at the head of a corps of infantry and dragoons. Col. Thomas Taylor,
with his regiment, was posted in advance, and his men lay securely
at their fires, thinking the enemy at a distance. But the colonel,
from what has been termed a ~presentiment~, was uneasy and could not rest;
he got up, and hearing the barking of dogs and some other unusual noises,
he woke up his men, and removed them back from their fires.
Soon after, the British appeared at them, and thus offered themselves
to the aim of experienced marksmen. In the mean time
Sumter came up to their aid, and the enemy was totally defeated.
Major Wemyss was severely wounded and taken. He had in his pocket
a list of the houses he had burnt at Williamsburgh and Pedee;
with great trepidation he showed it to Sumter, and begged he would protect him
from the militia. -- Notwithstanding his atrocities he was treated
with indulgence; but became a cripple for life. On the 20th of the same month
Sumter was attacked by Col. Tarleton, at Black Stocks. The action was severe,
and of the British officers, Major Money, and Lieuts. Gibson and Cape,
were killed. Sumter lost few men, but he was himself wounded.
The ball passed through the shoulder and carried away
a small portion of the backbone. He was placed in a raw bullock's hide,
fastened between two horses, and thus carried with a guard of five men
to the mountains.
--
* Notwithstanding the ~bruit~ made in history about this defeat of Sumter,
the author can re-assert, and from written evidence now before him,
that Sumter was ~in three days~ at the head of a very respectable force.
This was not obtained by any communication from the general,
but by an investigation of dates.
--
Tarleton, as usual, sent an account of his victory, much exaggerated,
to Lord Cornwallis, who writes to him on the 22d of the same month:
"I most heartily wish you joy of your success, but wish it had not cost you
so much." And again, on the next day: "I shall be very glad to hear
that Sumter is in a condition to give us no further trouble;
he certainly has been our greatest plague in this country."
The inhabitants of the New Acquisition, now York district,
were among the warm friends of Gen. Sumter; it was among these people
he generally recruited his forces. They never submitted to the British
nor took protection. The most distinguished leaders, under Sumter,
were Colonels Niel, Hill, Lacey, Winn, Bratton, Brandon,
and Majors Davie and Winn. Davie commanded a corps of cavalry,
which was never surprised nor dispersed during the war.
In the summer of 1780, Col. Ferguson, of the British 71st,
had undertaken to visit the tory settlements in the upper country,
and train up the young men to arms. Among these several unprincipled people
had joined him, and acted with their usual propensity for rapine and murder.
Many Americans, fleeing before them, passed over into the state of Tennessee,
then beginning to be settled. By their warm representations,
they roused the spirit of the people of that country,
which has since become so often conspicuous. Although safe from any enemy
but the savages of their cane brakes, they left their families,
and generously marched to the assistance of their friends.
Nine hundred of them mounted, under the command of Col. Campbell,
poured down from the Allegany, like the torrents from its summit.
Gunpowder they had already learnt to prepare from the saltpetre
in their caves, and lead they dug out of their mines. Dried venison
satisfied their hunger, pure water slaked their thirst,
and at the side of a rock they enjoyed comfortable repose.
Armed with rifles, sure to the white speck on the target,
at the distance of one hundred paces, or to decapitate the wild turkey
on the top of the tallest pine -- these were indeed a formidable band.
Their other leaders were Shelby, Sevier, Williams and Cleveland,
all inured to the pursuit of the savage or the wild beast of the forest.
Thus equipped and commanded, and with such few wants, they moved rapidly on
to attack Ferguson, a no less formidable foe, and on the 7th of October, 1780,
reached him, strongly posted on King's mountain. Campbell divided his men
into three bands, one under himself, one under Cleveland,
and the other under Shelby. -- Cleveland commenced the attack,
and fired until Ferguson, advancing sufficiently near, ordered the British
to charge with bayonets; before these he retired. By this time
Shelby had ascended the mountain, and gave an unexpected and deadly fire.
The bayonet had scarcely been again successful, when Campbell
reached the summit and fired in another and more destructive volley.
Ferguson presented a new front, and the bayonet again prevailed.
But Cleveland had rallied his men and poured in the fourth fire:
and now as often as one American party was driven back,
another returned to the attack, and as victory was becoming sure,
with more determined resolution. The unconquerable spirit of Ferguson
still refused to submit, but baited thus, as he was on all sides,
resistance became vain. At length this distinguished officer
received a mortal wound, and falling upon the field, his second in command,
Capt. Abraham De Peyster, sued for quarters. Eleven hundred of the enemy
were killed, wounded or taken, of which one hundred were British.
The Americans lost but few men, but among these were Col. Williams
and Major Chronicle. Thus, through the successes of Sumter and Marion,
and this brilliant achievement, towards the close of this memorable year
the drooping spirits of the people began to revive, and men flocked
on all sides to the standard of their country.
--------
Detached Narratives for 1780.
As these are intended to be unconnected, and entirely miscellaneous,
they will be inserted without much regard to time or place.
We have just recorded the fate of the distinguished Ferguson,
and the first meed of praise is due to him. Yes! reader,
praise to a generous enemy! He was a major, and commanded a rifle corps
during the campaign of Washington, in New Jersey. On one occasion
Gen. Washington rode out with a few French and American officers
to reconnoitre, and Ferguson, with his riflemen, lay in a wood
near to the road by which they both went and returned.
Washington was conspicuous from his stature, and uniform,
and the grey horse which he rode. He passed hard by the corps,
at an easy canter, and Ferguson's men were preparing to fire upon him,
when their leader prevented the act. Who would not hereafter
applaud the character of Ferguson? In a letter which he wrote to a friend,
that contains this narrative, he mentions he was glad he did not know
it was Gen. Washington at the time, lest he should have been tempted
to fire at him. But the same generous spirit which prevented it
in the one case, would, it is more than probable, have actuated him
in the other.
The next meed of praise is certainly due to friendship.
In this action the hon. Robert Stark, then a boy of fourteen,
was among the American combatants. Like a war worn veteran
he was seen firing his rifle and encouraging others to the onset.
It was here that, actuated by the cause of his country,
and the rigourous confinement of his father in irons, he first
avenged himself of the enemy. His next battle was at the Cowpens,
where he acted as an adjutant under Gen. Pickens.
During the time General Marion lay at the White marsh,
Capt. Gavin Witherspoon, of Pedee, with three or four men,
were concealing themselves in Pedee swamp: in the night he discovered
a camp of the tories, whom he had reason to think were in pursuit of him,
and watched them till they had all fallen asleep; he proposed to his men
to attack them, but they were fearful of numbers. He then declared he would
take them himself. Creeping up cautiously, he found that they had encamped
at the butt of a pine, blown up by the roots, and that their guns were piled
up against a limb, at the distance of forty or fifty feet from them.
He continued to creep till he got possession of their guns, and then
called to them loudly to surrender. Not knowing his force, they did so,
and Witherspoon's men came to his assistance and tied them, in number seven.
Gavin, and John Witherspoon, his brother, were two active spirited men
at this period. They succeeded each other as captains
in the neck between Pedee and Lynch's creek; and at the call of danger
were generally foremost. After Capt. Baxter was promoted to be major,
Thomas Potts was elected captain of the upper Pedee company;
he had been captain in the rifle regiment of state troops,
and was a brave soldier and firm patriot.
Major Wemyss, in laying waste the country, was particularly inimical
to looms and sheep; no doubt that he might deprive the inhabitants
of the means of clothing themselves. What sheep he did not kill
for the use of his men, he ordered to be bayoneted. He burnt
the Presbyterian church at Indiantown; because, as he said,
it was a sedition shop. Before a house was burnt, permission was seldom given
to remove the furniture. When he came to Maj. James' he was met by his lady
with much composure. He wished to bring her husband to submission,
and said to her, "If he would come in and lay down his arms,
he should have a free pardon." She replied, "As to that she could not have
any influence over him. That times were such he was compelled to take a part,
and he had taken that of his country." Wemyss after this had her
and her children locked up in a chamber, from whence they did not come out,
for two days and a half; and until the house was about to be burnt.
Capt. David Campbell (of Edisto,) carried with his own hands,
food and other refreshments to a back window for her,
apparently unknown to Wemyss. Capt. John James, son of the major,
had been taken in Charleston, and paroled. He was ordered into custody,
with the threat, that "If he was found to have broken his parole, he would
be hanged in the morning to yonder tree." Accordingly a court martial
sat over him in the morning. The witnesses called were his own
and his father's negroes; but, strange to tell, no evidence was given
against him, and he was acquitted. Such were the mock trials of the British.
As, when we come to speak of the battle of Eutaw, there will be
many chiefs of higher title to be named, it is but justice to Capt. James
now to mention, that before that time he was exchanged, and fought there
with much bravery, as an adjutant. As there was no trade or intercourse
between that part of the country and a market, people were to be seen,
after the fires, searching for every thing they could find,
knife blades, scissors, hinges, nails, &c. Handles were put to the knives,
dishes and plates were rudely manufactured out of wood,
and log huts were gradually built by the assistance of one another.
Many negroes were taken out of Williamsburgh; these were afterwards recovered
by Maj. James. Directly after the retreat of Rawdon from Camden,
he, at the head of five or six men, passed through the country
from Santee to an island near Beaufort, where he found and brought away
one hundred and fifty, all plundered from his own neighbourhood.
This account has been inserted here, that the chain of events
might not hereafter be broken.
It is stated, (page 45,*) that Col. Tarleton took Mr. James Bradley prisoner;
the manner in which this was done, and the subsequent treatment of Bradley,
are well deserving a place in this narrative. After being
chased from his breakfast, thirteen miles below, by M'Cottry,
Tarleton and a few officers came to Bradley's at midday,
passed himself as Col. Washington, and requested an early dinner.
Bradley provided dinner for him, and unsuspectingly communicated to him
the plans of his countrymen. After dinner, Tarleton asked him to guide him
over two difficult fords across two branches of Black river, near his house;
Bradley consented, and after they had passed Magirt's swamp, Tarleton told him
he was a prisoner. A wild Arab would not have treated him thus.
Bradley, though circumvented in this manner, was a wise but unsuspicious man;
and before that had much influence in the legislature.
He was sent to Camden gaol, and confined in heavy irons;
he was often carted to the gallows and saw others executed;
he expected death, and was prepared for it; but he had many friends
in Marion's brigade, and it was well known to the enemy that his execution
would have been severely retaliated. He was not released from gaol
until the 10th of May the next year, when Rawdon retreated from Camden;
and he bore the marks of the irons until his death. Being requested,
on one occasion he showed these to the author, then a youth, and said,
"If the good of your country requires the sacrifice, be ready to suffer
imprisonment and death in its cause." Soon after his confinement,
Mrs. Bradley petitioned Tarleton to liberate her husband,
but he treated her with scurrilous language and great brutality.
This man, who had been treated by Mrs. Bradley to a plentiful meal,
after he had fasted for twenty-four hours, and when he and his followers
were fainting with fatigue and want, had now the impudence and cruelty
to call her by the grossest names in the vocabulary of bilingsgate.
Mrs. Bradley! one of the most humane, gentle and affectionate of her sex,
who would willingly have offered him bread in his true character.
Tarleton even denied her admittance with her supplies to her husband;
and she sought and obtained it elsewhere.
--
* Chapter II Paragraph 8. -- A. L.
--
To people of good feelings, but particularly the religious,
this period (1780 and 1781) was truly distressing. From the time
of the fall of Charleston, all public education was at an end, and soon after,
all public worship was discontinued. Men from sixty years of age,
down to boys of fourteen, (few of whom dared to stay at home)
were engaged in active and bloody warfare. These had their minds in
constant occupation, which, in whatever moral situation a man may be placed,
brings with it a certain degree of satisfaction, if not contentment.
All were actuated by the love of country, and but few by the love of fame:
and next to the duties of religion, the exercise of those of patriotism
excites the highest energy and brings the most sublime satisfaction
to the human mind. But to the female sex, and the superannuated of the male,
little consolation of that nature could be afforded. Even these were exposed
to that kind of danger which might be inflicted by brutality at home,
and most of them had relatives in the field to whom they were bound
by the most tender and sacred ties, who were subjected to constant dangers,
and for whose fate they were unceasingly anxious. -- There was no place
for the pleasures of society, for in the country these were too remote
from a home that must constantly be watched. As a comfort in this situation
females employed themselves in domestic occupations, in which
that of the distaff had a considerable share, and all might indeed
have exercised their private devotions; but that faint picture of heaven,
that sweet consolation which is derived from associating with one's friends
in public worship, was wholly denied them. Most of the churches
in towns and the country, were either burnt or made depots
for the stores of the enemy; some in fact were converted into stables;
and of the remainder, all in the country were closed. --
In a warfare of such atrocity there was little safety in any situation
where numbers were collected, and as we have seen that the tories,
by their murders, violated the sanctity of private dwellings,
how then could it be expected they would be awed by the holiness of a church?
In a camp, where was no permanency and but little rest, there was no place
for chaplains,* and at home there was not security even for pious pastors;
consequently, as the most prudent course, they generally went into exile.
Among these one shall be mentioned, the Rev. Dr. Thomas Reese, of Salem,
on Black river. It was in his congregation that the murders perpetrated
by Harrison and his followers first began, and three respectable
men of his flock had already fallen victims to civil rage.
Had he gone about to administer comfort out of his own family,
it would have been termed sedition, and Dr. Reese would have made himself
a voluntary martyr. He took the wiser course of retiring with his family
before the storm, and under many privations, continued to preach.
In theology, modern philosophy, and all the sciences connected
with his profession he was deeply read. For classic literature,
which it is so common for the superficial to decry, he was a great advocate,
and to evince his sincerity retained his knowledge of the dead languages
as long as he lived. In his discourses he was neither an extempore preacher,
nor did he read. He wrote out his sermons correctly, and then committing them
carefully to memory, left the copy at home, and afterwards
delivered them from the pulpit with all the energy of extemporary preaching,
and so tenacious was his memory that he was never known to faulter.
He wrote many excellent sermons, all of which except two, preserved in
the American Preacher, and those not his best, are believed to be lost.
He also wrote an essay "on the influence of religion in civil society",
which, from Princeton college, where he was educated, obtained for him
the degree of Doctor of Divinity. But like most American productions,
it was soon neglected, and did not pass into a second edition.
In contemplating the meek and unobtrusive virtues of this pious man,
we do not hesitate to say he was a pattern of Christian charity,
as nearly resembling his divine master as has been seen in modern times.
The author knew him well for several years after the peace of 1782;
he was his friend and tutor, and he owes to Dr. Reese the highest obligations,
and to his memory the most profound respect.
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