A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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William Dobein James. >> A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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--
* By a copy of Major Postell's parole, preserved in Horry's correspondence,
it appears he was paroled in Charleston; but, soon after,
the British or tories stripped him of all his property,
which was a breach of it on their part. In a letter to Gen. Marion,
14th Jan. he says, "My honour is all I have left -- my family
has been reduced to beg their bread."
--
He writes thus to Saunders, concerning Major Postell, "send him by water,"
(by land was not safe) "by a fast sailer -- under a guard --
~be so good~ as to let him have no chance of escaping." ~Be so good~ here,
meant to clap him in irons. This royal tiger, secure in his jungle,
was now crouching to spring upon what he deemed defenceless prey;
but, while reasoning about the law of nations, Saunders had the folly
to send out Capt. Merrett with a flag. Marion immediately detained him,
and swore a bitter oath, that if they touched a hair of Postell's head
he would hang Merrett. Major Postell lost all further opportunity
of distinguishing himself, and underwent a long and rigourous imprisonment;
but this had become a common case, and the British knew Marion too well
to carry matters further. On the 25th of April,* Gen. Greene lay at
Hobkirk hill, at that time a mile out of Camden, but now partly in the town.
His army consisted of only about seven hundred continentals,
and as many militia; his left rested on Pinetree creek,
and his right extended across the road leading to Lancaster,
uncovered by any obstructions. Having just received
a comfortable supply of provisions, which they much wanted,
his men were employed in cooking and washing. At this juncture,
Rawdon sallied out of Camden, at the head of nine hundred men,
his whole disposable force. Between him and Greene, along Pinetree creek,
were thick woods and shrubbery, and he preferred this route for concealment.
His advance was not suspected, until he was fired upon
by the American pickets; but these received him bravely,
and during the contest with them, Greene formed his army.
The Virginia brigade, under Gen. Huger, took the right;
the Maryland brigade, under Col. Williams, the left. The continentals
were thus disposed in one line, and the artillery, under Col. Harrison,
were in the centre. The reserve were the cavalry, under Col. Washington,
and two hundred and fifty North Carolina militia, under Col. Reade.
Rawdon advanced with the King's American regiment on the right,
the New York volunteers in the centre, and the 63d on the left;
his right supported by Robertson's corps, and his left
by the volunteers of Ireland. Greene discovering his narrow front,
ordered Col. Campbell, of the Virginia, and Col. Ford, of the Maryland line,
to turn his flanks; the centre regiments to advance with fixed bayonets,
and Washington to gain his rear. Rawdon perceiving his danger,
brought up the volunteers of Ireland into line. The battle opened
with vigour, and Huger evidently gained ground. Washington in the rear,
was carrying all before him, and Col. Hawes in the centre,
was descending the hill with fixed bayonets. At this flattering moment,
the veteran regiment of Gunby, the 1st Maryland, fired contrary to orders;
while Capt. Armstrong, with two sections, was moving ahead upon the enemy.
Gunby, being anxious to lead his regiment into battle thoroughly compacted,
ordered Armstrong back, instead of making him the point of view in forming.
Retrograde being the consequence of this order, the British
shouted and pressed forward, and the regiment of Gunby,
considered the bulwark of the army, never recovered from its panic.
Williams, Gunby, and Howard, all strove in vain to bring it to order.
The Virginia brigade and second Maryland regiment maintained
the contest bravely; but the 2d Maryland, feeling the effect
of the retreat of the 1st, became somewhat deranged, and its commander,
Lieut. Col. Ford, being wounded in repressing it, this corps also fell back.
Rawdon's right having now gained the summit, and flanking Hawes,
Gen. Greene ordered a retreat, which was covered by Hawes.
Col. Washington having gained his point of attack, and taken
two hundred prisoners, was confident of victory; but seeing the retreat,
he paroled the officers on the field, and relinquished all the prisoners
but fifty. These he brought off, and made good his retreat,
with the loss of only three men. Greene's field pieces were now likely
to fall into the hands of the enemy, and seeing Capt. John Smith,**
with his company of picked light infantry, marching off the field
in good order, he rode up and called to him, "Smith, my brave fellow,
save the field pieces." He immediately fell in the rear,
and executed his orders, with the loss of his whole company.
All were killed but one man and Smith, and they were made prisoners.
Gen. Greene rallied his army at the pass of Sanders' creek, six miles
from Camden, and soon after occupied the position Gates had intended to take,
at Gum swamp. The British lost between sixty and seventy,
and Greene two hundred men. This affair shows upon how small an incident
the fate of war generally depends.
--
* This is partly extracted from Lee's Memoirs.
** Capt. Smith, afterwards well known in this state as Col. John Smith,
of Darlington, surrendered himself prisoner to a lieutenant of the British;
and after he had delivered his sword, was struck by the lieutenant
with the broad side of it. At the battle of Guilford,
Smith had killed Col. Stewart, of the British guards,
in a single rencounter; and his bravery was otherwise so well known
that the British officers invited him to a dinner in Camden.
Before dinner, he mentioned how he had been treated by the lieutenant,
and it was agreed among them, that, as that officer was to be present
at the dinner, Smith should be at liberty to treat him as he thought fit.
Accordingly Smith kicked him down stairs; and as he did not resent it,
he was soon after cashiered.
--
Upon Watson's arrival in Camden, Lord Rawdon being now reinforced,
marched out to attack Gen. Greene, at Sawney's creek,
on the west side of the Wateree. Greene did not like his position
for a general engagement, and took a new one at Cornal's creek,
leaving the horse, light infantry and pickets, at his old encampment.
The enemy approached and drew up on the opposite side of the creek,
but did not attempt to cross; and retired into Camden before night.
Early in the morning of the next day (10th of May, 1781,)
Lord Rawdon burnt the mill at Camden, the gaol, his stores,
and many private houses, and evacuating it, retreated towards Nelson's ferry.
Thus was Camden evacuated in less than a year after the British
obtained possession of it; but during that short period it had become
the scene of innumerable spoliations, and other atrocities.
While they held it, the loss of property, and being reduced to poverty,
were the least considerable incidents, which happened to the inhabitants.
To form an accurate idea, as well of the wretched situation
of the people of that town and its vicinity, during this period,
as to elucidate a part of history not yet explained, let the reader
take the following narrative, partly in and partly out of its due order.
Gen. Greene, having traversed that part of North Carolina
from Guilford to Pedee, and passed through nearly one half
the breadth of South Carolina, by the way of Cheraw hill, and Lynch's creek,
arrived at Town creek, four miles below Camden, about the middle of April.
Except at the Pedee, the country through which he had marched
was destitute of provisions, and no where, unless he had
impressed salt provisions, could he find any thing better
than beef driven out of the woods; which in April is well known
to be lean and nauseating. For the last fifty miles,
his route had been across the sand hills, between Pedee and the Wateree;
here his guide deserted him, and when he arrived at Town creek, he and his men
were at a loss which way to proceed, and were literally starving.
The fine low grounds of the Wateree now lay before him, where he expected
an abundance of provisions, but he was most grievously disappointed.
The British had swept away every thing of the kind that could be found,
and what little subsistence was left to the planters was hid in small parcels,
and in different places in the swamps. Scarcely any thing fit to eat,
was visible, where prior to this period, and subsequently,
every kind of provisions had been so abundant. But Gen. Greene,
in his distress, happily* met with a young man, whom,
while he had been at Hick's creek in January last, he had appointed
assistant commissary general; and who had served him with zeal and ability
in that department. This young man, (the present Gen. Cantey, of Camden,)
had but just returned from Dan river, where he had supplied Gen. Greene,
with fifteen waggon loads of flour, and nearly one thousand head of hogs,
which he had driven from the Pedee, by private ways, with so much
skill and address, as to avoid Lord Cornwallis, and the numerous tories
by whom he was surrounded; and Cantey was still zealous to serve his country.
After gaining some intelligence of the enemy, Gen. Greene
requested his commissary to endeavour to get them some provisions,
for they were famishing. Cantey's father lived not far off,
and recollecting he had some bacon and corn meal hid in a swamp,
he immediately went and brought enough for the general's mess,
and in a short time after, drove in beeves, such as they were,
sufficient for a supper for the men; but so destitute was the neighbourhood,
that Cantey recommended it to Gen. Greene to move above Camden,
where provisions might be collected from the upper country,
and it was more probable he would receive aid from the militia.
But for this explanation, the good judgment of Gen. Greene,
in taking post above Camden, might well be questioned; since his wisest,
and hitherto favoured plan, had been to strike at the posts below.
It is thought, if he could have taken a position at Town creek,
or Swift creek below, all surprise might have been prevented. At this time,
Gen. Greene sent Cantey to Gen. Sumter, distant more than one hundred miles,
to request him to join him; but Sumter, who was meditating an attack
on fort Granby, declined any further cooperation except in that way.
When this answer was communicated to Gen. Greene, by Cantey,
he was exceedingly angry, and said he had a great mind
to leave ~them~ to defend the country as well as they could,
without his assistance. Could he have concentrated his force,
and ~had not regarded Ninety-Six~, he might have driven the British
into Charleston, before the sickly season commenced.
But the system of leaving fortresses behind an invading army,
so strongly recommended by Machiavelli, and so much followed by Bonaparte,
had not yet been adopted in tactics. But we are anticipating our narrative.
--
* As all the accounts of the movements of Greene and Col. Lee,
into South Carolina, are confused, from a want of information of the local
situation of the country, and the clashing of the names of places;
the present note has been subjoined to rectify misconceptions.
From Ensign Johnson Baker's account we have seen Lee at the Long bluff,
since called Greenville, now Society-hill. At that time,
the marshes of Black creek, and the bogs of Black river,
were impassable (except to Marion,) on any direct route to Camden,
or Scott's lake, or Santee; but there was an Indian path,
by the way of the present Darlington court house and Day's ferry,
on Lynch's creek, to Kingstree; and from the latter place there was a road
to Murray's ferry on Santee. From the necessity of the case, therefore,
this must have been Lee's route, for he cannot explain it himself.
Lee had been the principal adviser of Greene to return to South Carolina,
for which the country can never be too grateful to him;
and being now about to invest fort Watson, he sent Dr. Matthew Irvine,
for whom both leaders had a great friendship, and who,
from his persuasive powers was highly fitted for the mission,
to inspire Greene with hope and confidence. Irvine obtained
a guide and an escort from Col. Richardson, and proceeded
by the route of the Piny lands, back of the Santee hills,
then a pathless wilderness, now a thickly settled country,
and ~on the first broad road~ he fell in with in this tract,
he unexpectedly met with Greene, about fifteen miles from Camden.
Irvine continued with him, until descending a range of Sand hills
between little and great Pinetree creeks, about a mile from Camden,
he crossed great Pinetree creek at the place now called M`Crae's mill.
From the latter place, Greene proceeded about three miles to an old mill
on Town creek, called English's; and here Irvine left him, and Cantey
met with him as a general and his army emerging from the wilderness.
This ~first broad road~ must again from the necessity of the case,
for there was no other at that time, have been the road from Cheraw hill
to Camden. Thus have the accounts of two respectable witnesses,
Dr. Irvine and Gen. Cantey, been reconciled, which appeared
at first sight impossible.
--
Although so weak after the affair at Hobkirk, Gen. Greene,
had sent a reinforcement to Marion under Major Eaton with a six-pounder,
and on the 8th of May, Marion and Lee commenced firing upon Fort Motte.
As soon as Gen. Greene heard of the retreat of Lord Rawdon from Camden,
he decamped from Cornal's creek, and moving down on the west bank
of the Wateree, took a position near M`Cord's ferry, so as to cover
the besiegers. Fort Motte stood on a high hill called Buckhead,
a little on the right of the Charleston road, where it leaves the Congaree
below M`Cord's. Within its walls was included the house of Mrs. Motte,
who had retired to that of her overseer. -- When told it was necessary
to burn the house, in order to take the fort expeditiously,
she at once requested it should be done, and, as the means of effecting it,
furnished an Indian bow and arrows. On the night of the 10th,
the fires of Lord Rawdon's camp were seen on the Santee hills,
in his retreat from Camden, and encouraged the garrison for a while;
but on the 12th the house was set on fire, and the commander Lieut. M`Pherson,
and one hundred and sixty-five men, surrendered. This deed of Mrs. Motte
has been deservedly celebrated. Her intention to sacrifice
her valuable property was patriotic; but the house was not burnt,
as is stated by historians, nor was it fired by an arrow from an African bow,
as sung by the poet. -- Nathan Savage, a private in Marion's brigade,
made up a ball of rosin and brimstone, to which he set fire,
slung it on the roof of the house. The British surrendered
before much mischief was done to it, and Marion had the fire put out.
At the commencement of this siege, Serjt. M`Donald, now advanced
to a lieutenancy, was killed. He was a native of Cross creek,
in North Carolina, and his father and other relations had espoused
the opposite side of the cause. Lieut. Cryer, who had often
emulated M`Donald, shared a similar fate. On the 25th Nov. last,
we have seen Gen. Sumter severely wounded at Black Stocks;
but on the 20th Feb. just three months after, he sat down before Fort Granby,
to besiege it, and wrote to Marion, who was his junior officer,
to move in such a direction as to attract the attention of Lord Rawdon;
but at that time the fort was relieved.
On the same day that Fort Motte surrendered, Gen. Sumter took
the British fort at Orangeburgh, with a garrison consisting of
seventy tories and twelve British; and in three days after,
on the 15th May, he took Fort Granby; long the object of his wishes.
This fort was surrendered to him by Major Maxwell, of the British,
with nineteen officers, three hundred and twenty-nine men, mostly royalists,
and five pieces of ordnance.*
--
* Major Burnet's letter, 28th April. He was aid to Gen. Greene.
--
Gen. Marion soon after taking Fort Motte, re-crossed the Santee,
and encamped at Cantey's plantation, a little more than midway
from Nelson's to Murray's ferry, and here he reposed his men for some time
and collected reinforcements. In consequence of the evacuation of Camden,
and recent successes, the militia turned out well and in high spirits.
About the 3d of June, he marched for Georgetown, and appearing before it
on the 6th, began his approach by breaking ground; but on the night after
the garrison evacuated the town, and took shipping. Remaining here
for some time, the general threw off his old habiliments, furnished his
wardrobe anew, and fitted himself out with a suit of regimentals.
He also procured a couple of mules to transport his baggage. His privations,
during the period passed over, were so great that he even wanted a blanket,
for on a certain night his bed of pine straw catching fire under him,
while he was soundly reposing after one of his forced marches,
half of the only one he had was burnt,* and his leather cap
was wrinkled upon one side, from the contact of the same element.
Hereafter he indulged himself with the luxury of coffee for breakfast,
but often without bread to it, and he seldom tasted wine or spirits;
but was fond of vinegar and water, the drink of a Roman soldier.
However, Georgetown was no Capua to him. He soon returned again
to Cantey's plantation, and kept out scouts constantly towards Biggen church,
where the enemy had a garrison of considerable force.
--
* Nothing shows the moderation of Gen. Marion more than this
simple matter of fact. Although the country at that time
was plundered and miserably poor, yet he had only to express a wish
and he would have had a dozen homespun blankets. He had then in his pocket
a power from the governor to impress them.
--
About this period, Gen. Marion sent Col. Peter Horry with a force
to negociate a treaty with Major Ganey and his party. As he could not well
turn his arms against him, and the whig settlements on Pedee were left exposed
to his depredations, it was good policy to awe him, and to endeavour
to keep him quiet. After a little time Horry negociated a treaty,
humiliating enough to Ganey; by which, among other matters,
he and his officers agreed to lay down their arms and remain neutral,
to deliver up all those who refused to comply with the treaty
and all deserters from the Americans, and also to restore
all negroes and other plundered property. This treaty was ratified
on the 17th of June, but was not strictly complied with until Marion
afterwards found leisure to enforce it; as shall be narrated in its place.
Soon after the siege of Fort Motte, Gen. Greene proceeding on
with his main army, laid siege to Ninety-Six; in which Lieut. Col. Cruger
commanded a garrison of five hundred men, and defended himself
with energy and ability. On the right of the besiegers
was a strong stockade fort, and on the left a work called the Star redoubt.
On the night of the 26th of May, the celebrated Kosciusko,
who acted at that time as an engineer for Greene, raised two block batteries
within three hundred and fifty yards of the besieged. Soon after
a third and a fourth were erected, and lastly a rifle battery
within thirty yards of the ditch of the fort. The abbatis was turned,
and two trenches and a mine were extended within six feet of the ditch.
The fort must soon have been taken; but Lord Rawdon was approaching fast
to the relief of the garrison, with two thousand men, which he had lately
received from Ireland; (18th June) and Gen. Greene was obliged
to raise the siege and retreat over the Saluda. His loss before the fort
was about one hundred and fifty men. Lord Rawdon followed the Americans,
as far as the Ennoree; but finding the pursuit fruitless, he drew off
a part of the garrison from Ninety-Six, and fixed a detachment of his army
at the Congaree. Gen. Greene, finding the British force divided,
faced about and offered Lord Rawdon battle; but he, in his turn,
retreated to Orangeburgh.
About the beginning of July, in this year, Lord Rawdon still lay
in Orangeburgh, strongly posted, and Gen. Greene was near,
watching his motions. While thus situated, Col. Cruger evacuated his post
at Ninety-Six, and marching down through the fork of Edisto, joined Rawdon.
As there was no other place at which the Edisto could then be passed
but at Orangeburgh, it was out of Greene's power to prevent the junction;
and Rawdon's army being thus reinforced, Gen. Greene thought it prudent
to retire to Bloom hill, Richardson's plantation, at the High Hills of Santee.
Before retiring, however, he detached Gen. Sumter as commander,
and ordered Marion to join him, to strike at the posts below.
On his way down, Sumter made several successful attacks on British outposts,
which were conducted more immediately by Col. Lee and Col. Wade Hampton.
Generals Sumter and Marion formed a junction near Biggen,
and marched to attack the fort there, garrisoned by five hundred infantry
and one hundred cavalry, and commanded by Col. Coates, a spirited officer.
His cavalry at first repulsed Sumter's advance, but were driven in
by the state troops under Col. Hampton. In the evening after,
Col. Coates set fire to the church, which contained all
his heavy baggage and stores, and retreating by the Strawberry road
over Watboo bridge, destroyed it, and thus gained a considerable advance
upon Sumter, who had to march round by a ford in pursuit.
Coates, in like manner, threw the plank off Huger's bridge,
and proceeded rapidly for Quimby. Here he had loosened
the planks of the bridge, and was waiting for his rear guard;
but, in the mean time, Lee had come up with and taken it.
Dr. Irvine, by advancing too far among the combatants,
was wounded in this affair,* together with several of Lee's men.
While Coates was waiting, Capt. Armstrong, at the head of five of his own men,
and Capt. James M`Caulay's troop of militia horse crossed the bridge
and charged in among the enemy, who at first threw down their arms,
but seeing the force so small, soon resumed them, and began to fire;
but Armstrong made good his way through them down the road.
In the mean while, the passage of the cavalry over the bridge
had opened such a chasm** in the plank, that Lee could not cross
to follow up the advantage thus gained, and the critical moment was lost.
The enemy had time to recover from their panic, and to post themselves
in Col. Shubrick's house and out houses, which were near.
After some delay, Sumter arrived and ordered an attack,
which was led on by Marion, whose men, and a regiment of Sumter's,
under Col. Thomas Taylor, marched up in open ground, with a view of gaining
a fence near the houses; and were exposed to a most galling fire,
from riflemen aiming at them from behind cover. More than fifty
were killed and wounded, generally of Marion's men, who were most exposed.
Capt. Perry and Lieut. June, of his brigade, were killed;
and Lieut. Col. John Baxter, who was very conspicuous,
from his gigantic size and full uniform, received five wounds;
Major Swinton was also severely wounded. A retreat was ordered.
The attack was made against Marion's opinion, who blamed Sumter afterwards
for wasting the lives of his men. But, with such a force,
Sumter had not the disposition to be idle, and wanted only a field piece
to have ensured success. Col. Coates had now the command of boats,
and a wide river before him, and could easily have effected his retreat
in that way to Charleston; but Sumter did not attack him again;
because, it was said, a reinforcement was coming to his assistance.
After this, Gen. Marion retired to the Santee, and took post at Cordes',
and afterwards at Peyre's plantation, near the mouth of
the present Santee canal, where he reposed his men and horses,
until about the 25th of August.
--
* Dr. Irvine was riding between Cols. Lee and Maham, and was wounded
by a discharge of small arms from the enemy, as they wheeled
at a short turn of the road. Lee had two surgeons in his corps,
Irvine and Skinner; Irvine was apt to expose himself to danger,
but Skinner, although he had on one occasion killed his adversary in a duel,
was a coward; and the method he now took to punish Irvine
for what he called his temerity, was not to dress his wounds until the last.
** Lee states that he found such a chasm in the bridge
his men could not cross it.
--
The British lay near M`Cord's ferry, with a strong party
at Monk's corner and Dorchester, and Gen. Greene was still encamped
at Richardson's plantation on the High Hills of Santee,
directly opposite the enemy, where they might easily see each other;
but with a wide swamp between them. About this time
Gen. Greene ordered Marion to go to the assistance of Col. Harden,
who was then much pressed by the enemy, to the south of the Edisto.
Immediately he detached a party of mounted militia under Capt. George Cooper,
to the neighbourhood of Dorchester and Monk's corner,
to create a diversion there, whilst he with about two hundred picked men,
by a circuitous route and forced march of at least one hundred miles,
crossed the Edisto, joined Harden and approached the British.
When sufficiently near he drew up his men in a swamp upon the road
near Parker's ferry, and sent out some of his swiftest horse
to lead the British into the ambuscade. While lying there
a small party of tories crossed at the ferry, and in passing on
one of them called out that he saw a white feather, and fired his gun.
This occasioned an exchange of a few shots on both sides;
but (as is supposed) it was thought by Major Fraser,
who commanded the British, to be only Harden's party that was in the swamp;
he pursued the horsemen sent out as a decoy, and led his corps in full charge
within forty or fifty yards parallel to the ambuscade. A deadly fire
from the swamp, was the first notice he had that a greater force than Harden's
was there. He attempted to wheel and charge into the swamp,
but only exposed his men the more, as they were thus delayed before the fire,
and were wedged up on a causeway so closely that every shot
had its utmost effect. Finding all his efforts ineffectual,
Fraser at length retreated along the road to the ferry, and thus passed
the whole ambuscade. A large body of infantry with a field piece,
were now seen advancing, and Marion retreated without counting the dead,
but men and horses were seen lying promiscuously in heaps on the road.
Although a large body of infantry was advancing, yet Marion in his situation
had not much to fear from them, and indeed had often encountered such;
therefore the true cause of his retreating could not have been because
they were advancing; but the probability is, because he wanted ammunition.
How often he was thus impeded in his enterprizes was known only to himself.
A party under Capt. Melton, went out the next day to the battle ground,
and counted twenty-seven dead horses; the men had been buried.
As Marion's men fired with either a ball and buck shot,
or heavy buck shot alone, and as none would aim at horses,
the loss of the British must have been great. -- But though their loss
could not be ascertained, the effect of this well conducted affair
soon became evident, for at the battle of Eutaw, nine days after,
the enemy had but few cavalry in the field. It is not a little surprising
that there is no record or date of this action to be found,
but in the thanks of congress to Gen. Marion, which fix it on
the 31st of August.
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