A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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William Dobein James. >> A Sketch of the Life of Brig. Gen. Francis Marion
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In the mean time, Capt. Cooper passed on to the Cypress,
and there routed a party of tories, and then proceeding down the road,
he drove off the cattle from before the enemy's fort at Dorchester.
He next moved on down the Charleston road; a body of tories
lay in a brick church, which stood then twelve miles from town;
he charged and drove them before him. Next, passing into Goose creek road,
he proceeded to the ten mile house, returned and passed over
Goose creek bridge, took a circuitous route around the British
at Monk's corner and arrived in camp at Peyre's plantation near the canal,
where Gen. Marion now lay, with many prisoners, and without the loss of a man.
In his letter of the 10th of August, 1781, noted above,
Gen. Greene writes to Marion, "you will see by Col. Harden's letter,
the enemy have hung Col. Hayne; do not take any measure in the matter
towards retaliation, for I do not intend to retaliate on the tory officers,
but the British. It is my intention to demand the reasons
of the colonel's being put to death, and if they are unsatisfactory,
as I am sure they will be, and if they refuse to make satisfaction,
as I suppose they will, to publish my intentions of giving no quarters
to British officers of any rank that fall into our hands.
This will be delayed for some few days, to give our friends in St. Augustine*
time to get off." The measure thus proposed was quite too extensive
in its nature to have been carried into effect. The true reason
why there was no retaliation was the last, respecting the friends
in St. Augustine, and it is suspected that it originated with
the governor and council. The British army was now no longer commanded
by Lord Rawdon; he had retired to Europe, and was succeeded
by Brigadier Gen. Stewart. Lord Rawdon had defended Camden
as long as he could with vigour and ability; but lately stained his reputation
by the execution of Col. Hayne. In extenuation of this act,
it is said by his friends, he only obeyed the orders of his superior;
but if he really disapproved that act of cruelty, he could easily have avoided
taking a part in it, for as he was shortly to sail for Europe,
he might have left the execution of it to Col. Balfour; as being congenial
to his natural disposition. This proceeding was sudden and unexpected,
and produced a great sensation in the American army. When Gen. Greene
demanded the reason of it, Lord Rawdon had either departed
or returned no answer; but Balfour stated, that "it took place
by the joint order of Lord Rawdon and myself, in consequence of
the most express directions of Lord Cornwallis to us, in regard to all those
who should be found in arms, after being, at their own request,
received as British subjects." Now, although Lord Cornwallis,
when flushed with victory, issued cruel orders; yet it is not to be presumed
he acted the tyrant so far as to communicate private orders
to Rawdon and Balfour; but the only case in which his public orders
directed a capital punishment, is the following: "I have ordered
in the most positive manner, that every militia man, who has borne arms
with us, and afterwards joined the enemy, shall be immediately hanged."
But it was never pretended that Col. Hayne had borne arms with the British;
when he submitted, he expressly stipulated with Gen. Patterson,
that he was not to do so; and when, notwithstanding such stipulation,
he was called upon for that service, he positively refused,
although threatened with confinement. Besides, both Moultrie and Ramsey
assert he did not serve with the British; and as far as negative proof can go,
this should be conclusive. But the fact that he bore arms with the British
is not charged against him; his accusation was, "being at his own request
received as a British subject." Then Col. Hayne neither came within
the letter, nor the penalty of the order issued by Lord Cornwallis;
and his blood rests upon the heads of Rawdon and Balfour. A fair state
of the case is, that Col. Hayne had been considered by the British
a character of great influence, and after the fall of Charleston,
having applied to Gen. Patterson, then commandant, for a parole,
he was refused one, and was threatened with confinement if he would not
subscribe a declaration of allegiance. Under the influence of this threat,
by the advice of friends, and the stipulation above stated,
he was induced to sign the declaration; and he was now tried for
a breach of his allegiance. Lord Cornwallis punished for breaches of parole,
but this was a new charge, made by Rawdon and Balfour themselves.
But Hayne's signature to that instrument, had been obtained by duresse,
and the part of the country in which he lived had been for several months
in the possession of the Americans, and the British were unable to protect him
in his allegiance. These, and no doubt other grounds, might have been alleged
in his defence, but he was at first promised, and afterwards refused
to be heard by counsel. The law of nations, as we have seen,
was often on the lips of Balfour, and here was a case which came clearly
within that code. Then the forms of justice should have been
carefully observed; the accused should have been heard in his defence;
the spirit of the law should have been the guide of the judges,
with a leaning in favour of lenity and mercy; the passions ought not
to have been suffered to interfere, where the minds of the court
should have been regulated by justice and wisdom; and finally,
the judges should have proceeded deliberately, avoiding every thing
like haste in their decision. Such is the law of nations.**
But neither the forms of justice, nor the spirit of the law were observed;
the accused was tried by a court martial, in which, after the production
of the declaration of allegiance, the only inquiry made was, "whether he had
been taken in arms?" And that being proved, the defendant received
a summary sentence of death. A most feeling intercession
was made in his behalf, but in vain; all that could be obtained was
a few days delay of the execution, which otherwise would have been hurried on
in the most indecent manner. Col. Hayne died, not indeed the death,
but with the spirit of a soldier, and a martyr in the cause of civil liberty;
he met his fate calmly on the gibbet. The character of Balfour
was already so black there was scarcely room for an additional blot;
but the execution of Col. Hayne must ever continue a stain
upon the reputation of Lord Rawdon. He had not even the excuse
that it was the law of the conqueror; for Lord Cornwallis and himself
were conquerors no more.
--
* These St. Augustine friends, were sixty-two influential characters,
citizens of Charleston, whom Lord Cornwallis, soon after
the town surrendered, had ordered to be sent and imprisoned
at St. Augustine, contrary to the terms of the capitulation.
** Vatt. B.1.C.13. S.170-2. Montesq. B.6.C.3.
--
The two hostile armies still lay encamped and watching each other
in the positions before mentioned, at Bloomhill and M`Cord's ferry;
but about the beginning of September, Gen. Greene, for the want of boats,
marched up the Wateree and crossed it not far below Camden,*
and marching down through the fork between the two rivers,
passed the Congaree at Howell's ferry and encamped at Motte's plantation,
on a direct route to meet the enemy, who had been encamped
but a short distance below him.
--
* It is believed, at English's ferry, nine miles below Camden.
--
Here he received intelligence that the British army commanded by
Brigadier Gen. Stewart* had retreated and halted at the Eutaw Spring,
about forty miles below, that they had been reinforced there,
and were about to establish a permanent post. To prevent this,
he determined to risk a battle, though his force was thought to be inferior.
Accordingly he sent back his baggage to Howell's ferry, and proceeded
by easy marches to Burdell's plantation seven miles from Eutaw,
where he was joined by Gen. Marion. Gen. Stewart had posted himself
to great advantage at Eutaw; his head quarters were in a strong brick house,
which stood at that time a little to the west of the spring
or rather fountain. In his rear, to the south, there was an open field;
in his front a thick wood covered with pines and scrubby oaks.
Below the fountain on his right there was a deep valley,
through which the Eutaw creek, five or six feet deep, takes its course
towards the north-east. Between the fountain and the brick house
the Congaree road passes to the north.
--
* Col. Doyle gives him that title in a letter hereafter noticed.
--
It was down this road Gen. Greene marched to attack the British army,
on the memorable 8th of September, 1781. The effective force of each army
was nearly equal, except the cavalry, in which Greene would have had
the advantage, if the nature of the ground had permitted the use of it,
for none of the ground was then open, and particularly on his left
it was covered by scrubby oaks. While moving down the road in the morning
with much circumspection, Col. Lee in advance met a party
which covered another that was foraging. Several of these were killed,
and their captain and forty men taken. Pressing forward,
Lee soon met another party, with whom another action commenced,
and he requested the support of artillery to counteract that of the enemy,
which had now opened. Two field pieces were quickly brought up
by Capt. Gaines, and began to fire.
During this firing both armies formed. The South Carolina militia
under Marion, and the North Carolina under Col. Malmedy
occupied the first line; the South Carolinians on the right.
The continentals formed the second line. The Virginians under Col. Campbell,
occupied the right. Gen. Sumner with the North Carolina new levied troops,
the centre; and the Marylanders, under Cols. Williams and Howard,
the left, on the Charleston road. Lee had charge of the right,
and Henderson of the left flank, with their cavalry.
Two field pieces were disposed in the front and two in the rear line.
Washington's horse and Kirkwood's infantry formed the reserve.
The enemy was drawn up in one line, the Buffs on the right,
Cruger's corps in the centre, and the 63d and 64th on the left.
Major Marjoribanks with one battalion of light infantry was posted
on the Eutaw creek, flanking the Buffs, and the cavalry under Major Coffin
were drawn up in the open field in the rear; these were not numerous.
The artillery were posted on the Charleston road and the one leading
to Roach's plantation. -- The action commenced about a mile
from the fountain. Marion and Pickens continued to advance and fire,
but the North Carolina militia broke at the third round. --
Sumner with the new raised troops, then occupied their place,
and behaved gallantly. Marion's marksmen firing with great precision,
and galling the enemy greatly, had now advanced more than half a mile,
when the British charged upon them with fixed bayonets, and Marion ordered
a retreat. The Virginia and Maryland troops now advanced with trailed arms,
and scarcely had Marion cleared the right of the Virginians,
when the crash of bayonets was heard. But by degrees it receded,
and becoming less and less audible, a loud shout of huzza for America!
told the issue of the contest. -- Gen. Marion now rallied his men.
Col. Henderson of the South Carolina state troops was wounded
early in the action, and the command devolved on Col. Wade Hampton,
who made a spirited charge; but being warmly received, Col. Washington
brought up the reserve to his aid, and at first charged so briskly
that the enemy gave way; but advancing into the thickest part of the woods,
Marjoribanks came to the assistance of the Buffs; Washington's horse
was killed under him, and he was wounded and taken. After this,
and the loss of many officers and men, the corps was drawn off
by Capt. Parsons. Marjoribanks though victorious on the right, now fell back
to assist Stewart; and Major Sheridan with the New York volunteers,
threw himself into the brick house. Stewart was busily engaged
in rallying his men under cover of the fire from Sheridan; and Greene
now ordered Lee to charge upon Coffin. Lee at the beginning of the action
had advanced with the legionary infantry upon the left of the enemy,
and ordered his cavalry under Eggleston to follow in the rear;
but sending for Eggleston, at present, he found that by some mistaken order
he had gone to assist Washington. Thus a most favourable opportunity
of completing the rout already commenced, was irretrievably lost.
Greene had now brought up his artillery against the brick house,
and sent for Marion who came to his assistance; but the weight of his metal
was too light to effect a breach. Here, after losing many men and making
unavailing efforts, he was obliged to desist, bringing off one field piece,
which he had taken from the enemy, and losing two of his own.
Thus Sheridan and Marjoribanks saved the British army.
Gen. Greene, in this manner disappointed in the most sanguine expectation
of a complete victory, collected all his wounded, except those
under the fire of the enemy, and placing a strong picket
on the field of battle, retired sullenly from the ground in search of water.
The battle had taken place on a dry thirsty soil, and in a hot day,
and the want of water was severely felt. Four or five miles
up the Congaree road, there is a remarkably boggy pond,
still the dread of travellers; the cavalry had passed through it,
twice or thrice in the course of the day; and it was now become
a filthy puddle; but into this did the men as soon as they arrived,
throw themselves headlong, over the shoulders of each other,
and drink with an avidity which seemed insatiable. This was
the ~first water in Greene's rear~, which is mentioned by historians,
as being resorted to by his army.* The battle had lasted
more than three hours.
--
* Plenty of water might have been procured, in Eutaw creek, some hundred yards
from the battle ground; and why the retreat was not directed there,
or to Santee river, distant a mile, the author is at a loss to discover:
unless it was that Greene's force was scattered up the road,
and he wished to concentrate it. It was not from dread of the enemy.
--
Next morning, Marion and Lee were ordered by a circuitous route
to gain the enemy's rear, in order, as it was expected they would retreat,
to retard their march and prevent their being reinforced.
On the evening of the 9th of September, Stewart piled up
the arms of his dead and wounded, and set them on fire, destroyed his stores,
left seventy of his own wounded, and some of Greene's, at the Eutaw;
and retreated precipitately towards Monk's corner. So hurried was his retreat
for fifteen miles, that he brought his first division within
a few miles of M`Arthur, coming to his aid, before Marion and Lee reached
Ferguson's swamp, their point of destination. To fight between two fires,
became hazardous, and the junction of the enemy was effected.
Capt. O`Neal of Lee's horse, fell upon the cavalry of their rear guard,
and took most of them prisoners; but Stewart continued his retreat to Wantoot,
(Ravenel's plantation,) about twenty miles below Eutaw, and Greene pursued
to Martin's tavern, fifteen miles. In this battle, the British lost
by Greene's account six hundred men, killed and wounded, and five hundred
made prisoners. According to Stewart's return, he lost eighty-five killed,*
three hundred fifty-one wounded, and two hundred fifty-seven missing.
The loss of the Americans was five hundred killed and wounded; among whom were
sixty officers. The disparity in these returns of the different commanders
is great, but Greene's prisoners could be counted at leisure.
Lieut. Col. Campbell fell as he was leading the Virginia line to the charge.
Gen. Greene says of him, "though he fell with distinguished marks of honour,
yet his loss is much to be regretted; he was the great soldier,
and the firm patriot." Gen. Marion had many of his men
and Col. Hugh Horry wounded; but fewer killed than at Quimby;
among the latter was the brave Capt. John Simons, of Pedee.
--
* Maj. Marjoribanks, by whom in conjunction with Sheridan,
the British army was saved, lies buried on the Santee canal road,
about half a mile below the chapel; he was a brave and generous enemy;
and on an old head board, the following inscription is still to be seen:
"JOHN MARJORIBANKS, Esqr. late major to the 19th regt. inf'y and commanding
a flank bat'n. of his majesty's army. ~Obiit~. 22d October, 1781."
--
The British shot generally about five feet too high;
but the wind blew that day favourably for Marion's marksmen,
and they did great execution. They fired from fifteen to twenty rounds
each man. Both sides claimed the victory; but the fruits of one
were with the Americans.
It being now autumn, and his men sickly, Gen. Greene retired
to the High Hills of Santee, his favourite encampment; Col. Lee calls them,
"The benign hills of Santee." At this time Gen. Greene encamped
on the range of hills immediately below Stateburgh. His head quarters
were at Mr. James', on the right going downwards, a beautiful spot,
but now deserted. Many of Greene's wounded officers and men died,
and lie buried on a hill near where the author is now writing.
An officer, who died of his wound, (Capt. De Wolfe,) lies interred
near De Wolfe's spring, on his plantation. He was a most gallant soldier.
No mound or grave stone points out the spot where such brave men repose.
Even the mounds, where the dead at Eutaw were buried, have been
lately violated by the cutting of a ditch through them. Alas! my country,
why have such things been suffered?
Marion retired to his favourite encampment, at Peyre's plantation,
in Santee river swamp. On the banks of the river at that time
there were extensive cornfields on all the plantations,
and the most of the low places were cultivated in rice.*
The crops of three or four years past had been housed,
and kept out of the enemy's reach by the difficulty of approach
and their retired situation. Here the general fixed himself,
much to his liking, in a cane brake, about a quarter of a mile from the river,
which however was soon cleared to thatch the huts of himself and his men.
Some lakes which skirted the high land, rendered the post
difficult of approach, and here was forage for horses, and beef, pork,
rice, and green corn** for the men, in the greatest abundance.
Such a place suited Marion's views exactly, and here, or in the neighbourhood,
he encamped often; but did not stay long at present. It appears now
there was very little sickness at that day.
--
* Very soon after the revolutionary war, this scene was entirely changed.
Planters, in clearing their land, had rolled logs and other rubbish
from their fields, into the lakes and creeks leading from the river,
and many threw trees into it to get them quickly out of the way.
The upper country also soon became more opened, and gave freer vent
from above to the waters. There came on a succession of six or seven years,
which were wet; and the consequence was, that the usual passages
for the waters below being obstructed, they flooded the low grounds,
and ruined the planters. Where fine corn grew at that time,
trees may now be seen a foot and a half in diameter,
in the midst of briars and cane brakes.
** Commonly called ~mutton~ corn, a corruption of ~matin~,
that is ~early~ corn.
--
Soon after the battle of Eutaw, Gen. Alexander Leslie took command
of the British army. On the 17th of September Gen. Greene wrote to Marion:
"I have the pleasure to congratulate you on the arrival of Count De Grasse,
in Chesapeake bay, with twenty-eight sail of the line,
a number of frigates and six thousand land forces; Gen. Washington is also
arrived in Virginia to take command of the army. From these circumstances,
and from some further intelligence of Lord Cornwallis' movements,
it is highly probable that his lordship will endeavour to retreat
through North Carolina to Charleston. I must therefore entreat
that you will use every exertion to collect a large force of militia together,
and as speedy as possible, that we may be able to intercept his lordship."
As Gen. Marion's scouts at this time frequently passed round the enemy,
and harrassed them much between their camp and Charleston,
it has often been a matter of surprise why he should recross the Santee;
but this letter explains it, for he crossed it to collect his men,
and he encamped at Cantey's plantation a considerable time
for that purpose. On the 1st of Sept. Gov. Rutledge had ordered out
only the half of the militia; now all were again directed
to take the field as formerly.
Another good reason for Gen. Greene and Marion's lying so long inactive
at this season, is to be found in a letter in the correspondence mentioned;
and though the date is later than the present period, yet the fact
comes in properly here. Gen. Marion, as it appears from what follows after,
had written to Greene and the governor for ammunition on the 9th of October.
On the 10th, Gov. Rutledge answers his letter: "I received yours yesterday,
by Mr. Boone, and wrote in the most pressing terms to Col. Williams,
(Gen. Greene not being yet returned from Charlotte, for which place
he set out on Friday) for a supply of ammunition; I wish to God
it was in my power to send you ammunition instantly, but it is not."
Col. Otho Williams, who was second in command of the army,
writes to Gen. Marion, and, although his letter is not dated,
the connection of the correspondence is evident: "As Gen. Greene
is not in camp, I took the liberty of opening your letter of the 9th instant.
Our stock of ammunition is quite exhausted -- we have not an ounce of powder,
or a cartridge, in store. The arrival of some military stores which we expect
every hour, will put it in the general's power to supply you amply.
His excellency Gov. Rutledge has intimated that you meditated an expedition
over the Santee; in making your determination, if it is not settled,
permit me to recommend to your consideration, that the general
depends upon you entirely for intelligence of the enemy's motion."
These extracts of letters must be read with astonishment. --
With what uncommon fortitude must such men have been endowed,
to bear up under such continued discouragements. As Gen. Marion lay
a long time here, it will give occasion to relate some other matters,
which as fortunate events have for some time past thickened,
would have perplexed the narrative to have introduced before.
About the 10th August, Georgetown was burnt. -- One Manson,
commanding a small armed vessel, arrived within gunshot of the town,
and sent a party in a boat under cover of his guns, and set fire
to some houses on a wharf at the lower end of the Bay, and the wind favouring,
the whole town, except a few houses on the outskirts, was burnt.
No doubt Manson had his orders from Balfour.
As the continental troops were without pay and clothing, a plan was adopted
by the governor and council to impress all the indigo for public service
which could be found, and it was expected that it would now serve
instead of money as a medium of exchange. The principle had been authorised
by an old militia law, but it was a rigourous measure and a poor expedient,
although the best that could be devised at the time. Many thrifty planters
had hoarded up their indigo, ever since the commencement of the war,
hoping some day to turn it into money. Capt. Wm. Richardson, of Bloomhill,
was appointed commissary general by the governor, and assistants
were appointed by him in the several districts of the state; who went about
with press warrants in their pockets, and parties to assist them,
and set a price upon each man's indigo, for which they gave him a receipt,
promising payment from the state. The general depot was fixed at Bloomhill.
It was in contemplation at the time likewise to raise
two regiments of state troops to be attached to Marion's brigade,
and for this purpose all the horses fit for cavalry were impressed,
except those of men actually in service. These were indeed
high handed measures, but appeared necessary at the time.
Winter was approaching, and Gen. Greene states in a letter
to Col. Peter Horry, of the 11th of November, "Blankets are
so scarce with us, that more than three-fourths of our men are without."
A few goods fit for service were afterwards purchased for indigo,
but at an enormous advance.*
--
* Instance -- New England rum at $3 75. Soldier's saddles $25.
Blankets none as yet. Best indigo in exchange three shillings sterling.
Letter 9th October.
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