The History Of The Conquest Of Peru

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[Footnote 7: "Trujo tres o cuatro hermanos suyos tan soberbios
como pobres, e tan sin hacienda como deseosos de alcanzarla."
Hist. de las Indias Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap 1.]

The remaining and eldest brother, named Hernando, was a
legitimate son, - "legitimate," continues the same caustic
authority, "by his pride, as well as by his birth." His features
were plain, even disagreeably so; but his figure was good. He
was large of stature, and, like his brother Francis, had on the
whole an imposing presence. *8 In his character, he combined some
of the worst defects incident to the Castilian. He was jealous
in the extreme; impatient not merely of affront, but of the least
slight, and implacable in his resentment. He was decisive in his
measures, and unscrupulous in their execution. No touch of pity
had power to arrest his arm. His arrogance was such, that he was
constantly wounding the self-love of those with whom he acted;
thus begetting an ill-will which unnecessarily multiplied
obstacles in his path. In this he differed from his brother
Francis, whose plausible manners smoothed away difficulties, and
conciliated confidence and cooperation in his enterprises.
Unfortunately, the evil counsels of Hernando exercised an
influence over his brother which more than compensated the
advantages derived from his singular capacity for business.

[Footnote 8: Oviedo's portrait of him is by no means flattering.
He writes like one too familiar with the original. "E de todos
ellos el Hernando Pizarro solo era legitimo, e mas legitimado en
la soberbia, hombre de alta estatura e grueso, la lengua e labios
gordos, e la punta de la nariz con sobrada carne e encendida, y
este fue el desavenidor y estorbador del sosiego de todos y en
especial de los dos viejos companeros Francisco Pizarro e Diego
de Almagro." Hist de las Indias, Ms., ubi supra.]

Notwithstanding the general interest which Pizarro's adventures
excited in his country, that chief did not find it easy to comply
with the provisions of the Capitulation in respect to the amount
of his levies. Those who were most astonished by his narrative
were not always most inclined to take part in his fortunes. They
shrunk from the unparalleled hardships which lay in the path of
the adventurer in that direction; and they listened with visible
distrust to the gorgeous pictures of the golden temples and
gardens of Tumbez, which they looked upon as indebted in some
degree, at least, to the coloring of his fancy, with the obvious
purpose of attracting followers to his banner. It is even said
that Pizarro would have found it difficult to raise the necessary
funds, but for the seasonable aid of Cortes, a native of
Estremadura like himself, his companion in arms in early days,
and, according to report, his kinsman. *9 No one was in a better
condition to hold out a helping hand to a brother adventurer,
and, probably, no one felt greater sympathy in Pizarro's
fortunes, or greater confidence in his eventual success, than the
man who had so lately trod the same career with renown.

[Footnote 9: Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, p. 143.]
The six months allowed by the Capitulation had elapsed, and
Pizarro had assembled somewhat less than his stipulated
complement of men, with which he was preparing to embark in a
little squadron of three vessels at Seville; but, before they
were wholly ready, he received intelligence that the officers of
the Council of the Indies proposed to inquire into the condition
of the vessels, and ascertain how far the requisitions had been
complied with.

Without loss of time, therefore, Pizarro, afraid, if the facts
were known, that his enterprise might be nipped in the bud,
slipped his cables, and crossing the bar of San Lucar, in
January, 1530, stood for the isle of Gomera, - one of the
Canaries, - where he ordered his brother Hernando, who had charge
of the remaining vessels, to meet him.

Scarcely had he gone, before the officers arrived to institute
the search. But when they objected the deficiency of men, they
were easily - perhaps willingly - deceived by the pretext that
the remainder had gone forward in the vessel with Pizarro. At
all events, no further obstacles were thrown in Hernando's way,
and he was permitted, with the rest of the squadron, to join his
brother, according to agreement, at Gomera.
After a prosperous voyage, the adventurers reached the northern
coast of the great southern continent, and anchored off the port
of Santa Marta. Here they received such discouraging reports of
the countries to which they were bound, of forests teeming with
insects and venomous serpents, of huge alligators that swarmed on
the banks of the streams, and of hardships and perils such as
their own fears had never painted, that several of Pizarro's men
deserted; and their leader, thinking it no longer safe to abide
in such treacherous quarters, set sail at once for Nombre de
Dios.
Soon after his arrival there, he was met by his two associates,
Luque and Almagro, who had crossed the mountains for the purpose
of hearing from his own lips the precise import of the
capitulation with the Crown. Great, as might have been expected,
was Almagro's discontent at learning the result of what he
regarded as the perfidious machinations of his associate. "Is it
thus," he exclaimed, "that you have dealt with the friend who
shared equally with you in the trials, the dangers, and the cost
of the enterprise; and this, notwithstanding your solemn
engagements on your departure to provide for his interests as
faithfully as your own? How could you allow me to be thus
dishonored in the eyes of the world by so paltry a compensation,
which seems to estimate my services as nothing in comparison with
your own?" *10

[Footnote 10: Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 7, cap. 9. -
Pedro Pizarro Descub. y Conq., Ms.]

Pizarro, in reply, assured his companion that he had faithfully
urged his suit, but that the government refused to confide powers
which intrenched so closely on one another to different hands.
He had no alternative, but to accept all himself or to decline
all; and he endeavoured to mitigate Almagro's displeasure by
representing that the country was large enough for the ambition
of both, and that the powers conferred on himself were, in fact,
conferred on Almagro, since all that he had would ever be at his
friend's disposal, as if it were his own. But these honeyed
words did not satisfy the injured party; and the two captains
soon after returned to Panama with feelings of estrangement, if
not hostility, towards one another, which did not augur well for
their enterprise.

Still, Almagro was of a generous temper, and might have been
appeased by the politic concessions of his rival, but for the
interference of Hernando Pizarro, who, from the first hour of
their meeting, showed little respect for the veteran, which,
indeed, the diminutive person of the latter was not calculated to
inspire, and who now regarded him with particular aversion as an
impediment to the career of his brother.

Almagro's friends - and his frank and liberal manners had secured
him many - were no less disgusted than himself with the
overbearing conduct of this new ally. They loudly complained
that it was quite enough to suffer from the perfidy of Pizarro,
without being exposed to the insults of his family, who had now
come over with him to fatten on the spoils of conquest which
belonged to their leader. The rupture soon proceeded to such a
length, that Almagro avowed his intention to prosecute the
expedition without further cooperation with his partner, and
actually entered into negotiations for the purchase of vessels
for that object. But Luque, and the Licentiate Espinosa, who had
fortunately come over at that time from St. Domingo, now
interposed to repair a breach which must end in the ruin of the
enterprise, and the probable destruction of those most interested
in its success. By their mediation, a show of reconciliation was
at length effected between the parties, on Pizarro's assurance
that he would relinquish the dignity of Adelantado in favor of
his rival, and petition the emperor to confirm him in the
possession of it; - an assurance, it may be remarked, not easy to
reconcile with his former assertion in respect to the avowed
policy of the Crown in bestowing this office. He was, moreover,
to apply for a distinct government for his associate, so soon as
he had become master of the country assigned to himself; and was
to solicit no office for either of his own brothers, until
Almagro had been first provided for. Lastly, the former contract
in regard to the division of the spoil into three equal shares
between the three original associates was confirmed in the most
explicit manner. The reconciliation thus effected among the
parties answered the temporary purpose of enabling them to go
forward in concert in the expedition. But it was only a thin
scar that had healed over the wound, which, deep and rankling
within, waited only fresh cause of irritation to break out with a
virulence more fatal than ever. *11

[Footnote 11: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Naharro,
Relacion Sumaria, Ms. - Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1529. -
Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib.
1, cap. 3. - Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8,
cap. 1.

There seems to have been little good-will, at bottom, between any
of the confederates; for Father Luque wrote to Oviedo that both
of his partners had repaid his services with ingratitude. -
"Padre Luque, companero de estos Capitanes, con cuya hacienda
hicieron ellos sus hechos, puesto que el uno e el otro se lo
pagaron con ingratitud segun a mi me lo escribio el mismo electo
de su mano." Ibid., loc. cit.]

No time was now lost in preparing for the voyage. It found
little encouragement, however, among the colonists of Panama, who
were too familiar with the sufferings on the former expeditions
to care to undertake another, even with the rich bribe that was
held out to allure them. A few of the old company were content
to follow out the adventure to its close; and some additional
stragglers were collected from the province of Nicaragua, - a
shoot, it may be remarked, from the colony of Panama. But
Pizarro made slender additions to the force brought over with him
from Spain, though this body was in better condition, and, in
respect to arms, ammunition, and equipment generally, was on a
much better footing than his former levies. The whole number did
not exceed one hundred and eighty men, with twenty-seven horses
for the cavalry. He had provided himself with three vessels, two
of them of a good size, to take the place of those which he had
been compelled to leave on the opposite side of the Isthmus at
Nombre de Dios; an armament small for the conquest of an empire,
and far short of that prescribed by the capitulation with the
Crown. With this the intrepid chief proposed to commence
operations, trusting to his own successes, and the exertions of
Almagro, who was to remain behind, for the present, to muster
reinforcements. *12

[Footnote 12: The numerical estimates differ, as usual. I
conform to the statement of Pizarro's secretary, Xerez, Conq. del
Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 182.]

On St. John the Evangelist's day, the banners of the company and
the royal standard were consecrated in the cathedral church of
Panama; a sermon was preached before the little army by Fray Juan
de Vargas, one of the Dominicans selected by the government for
the Peruvian mission; and mass was performed, and the sacrament
administered to every soldier previous to his engaging in the
crusade against the infidel. *13 Having thus solemnly invoked the
blessing of Heaven on the enterprise, Pizarro and his followers
went on board their vessels, which rode at anchor in the Bay of
Panama, and early in January, 1531, sallied forth on his third
and last expedition for the conquest of Peru.

[Footnote 13: "El qual haviendo hecho bendecir en la Iglesia
mayor las banderas i estandarte real dia de San Juan Evangelista
de dicho ano de 1530, i que todos los soldados confesasen i
comulgasen en el convento de Nuestra Senora de la Merced, dia de
los Inocentes en la misa cantada que se celebro con toda
solemnidad i sermon que predico el P. Presentdo Fr. Juan de
Vargas, uno de los 5 religiosos que en cumplimiento de la
obediencia de sus prelados i orden del Emperador pasaban a la
conquista." Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms.]

It was his intention to steer direct for Tumbez, which held out
so magnificent a show of treasure on his former voyage. But head
winds and currents, as usual, baffled his purpose, and after a
run of thirteen days, much shorter than the period formerly
required for the same distance, his little squadron came to
anchor in the Bay of St. Matthew, about one degree north; and
Pizarro, after consulting with his officers, resolved to
disembark his forces and advance along the coast, while the
vessels held their course at a convenient distance from the
shore.

The march of the troops was severe and painful in the extreme;
for the road was constantly intersected by streams, which,
swollen by the winter rains, widened at their mouths into
spacious estuaries. Pizarro, who had some previous knowledge of
the country, acted as guide as well as commander of the
expedition. He was ever ready to give aid where it was needed,
encouraging his followers to ford or swim the torrents as they
best could, and cheering the desponding by his own buoyant and
courageous spirit.
At length they reached a thick-settled hamlet, or rather town, in
the province of Coaque. The Spaniards rushed on the place, and
the inhabitants, without offering resistance, fled in terror to
the neighbouring forests, leaving their effects - of much greater
value than had been anticipated - in the hands of the invaders.
"We fell on them, sword in hand," says one of the Conquerors,
with some naivete; "for, if we had advised the Indians of our
approach, we should never have found there such store of gold and
precious stones." *14 The natives, however, according to another
authority, stayed voluntarily; "for, as they had done no harm to
the white men, they flattered themselves none would be offered to
them, but that there would be only an interchange of good offices
with the strangers," *15 - an expectation founded, it may be, on
the good character which the Spaniards had established for
themselves on their preceding visit, but in which the simple
people now found themselves most unpleasantly deceived.

[Footnote 14: "Pues llegados a este pueblo de Coaque dieron de
supito sin savello la gente del porque si estuvieran avisados.
No se tomara la cantidad de oro y esmeraldas que en el se
tomaron." Pedro Pizarre, Descub. y Conq., Ms]

[Footnote 15: Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 7, cap. 9.]
Rushing into the deserted dwellings, the invaders found there,
besides stuffs of various kinds, and food most welcome in their
famished condition, a large quantity of gold and silver wrought
into clumsy ornaments, together with many precious stones; for
this was the region of the esmeraldas, or emeralds, where that
valuable gem was most abundant. One of these jewels that fell
into the hands of Pizarro, in this neighbourhood, was as large as
a pigeon's egg. Unluckily, his rude followers did not know the
value of their prize; and they broke many of them in pieces by
pounding them with hammers. *16 They were led to this
extraordinary proceeding, it is said, by one of the Dominican
missionaries, Fray Reginaldo de Pedraza, who assured them that
this was the way to prove the true emerald, which could not be
broken. It was observed that the good father did not subject his
own jewels to this wise experiment; but, as the stones, in
consequence of it, fell in value, being regarded merely as
colored glass, he carried back a consider able store of them to
Panama. *17

[Footnote 16: Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. - Zarate, Conq.
del Peru, lib. 1, cap. 4.

"A lo que se ha entendido en las esmeraldas ovo gran hierro y
torpedad en algunas Personas por no conoscellas. Aunque quieren
decir que algunos que las conoscieron las guardaron. Pero
ffinalmente muchos vbieron esmeraldas de mucho valor; vnos las
provavan en yunques, dandolas con martillos, diziendo que si hera
esmeralda no se quebraria; otros las despreciaban, diziendo que
era vidrio." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]

[Footnote 17: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Herrera,
Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 7, cap. 9.]

The gold and silver ornaments rifled from the dwellings were
brought together and deposited in a common heap; when a fifth was
deducted for the Crown, and Pizarro distributed the remainder in
due proportions among the officers and privates of his company.
This was the usage invariably observed on the like occasions
throughout the Conquest. The invaders had embarked in a common
adventure. Their interest was common, and to have allowed every
one to plunder on his own account would only have led to
insubordination and perpetual broils. All were required,
therefore, on pain of death, to contribute whatever they
obtained, whether by bargain or by rapine, to the general stock;
and all were too much interested in the execution of the penalty
to allow the unhappy culprit, who violated the law, any chance of
escape. *18

[Footnote 18: "Los Espanoles las rrecoxeron y juntaron el oro y
la plata, porque asi estava mandado y hordenado sopena de la vida
el que otra cossa hiziese, porque todos lo avian de traet a
monton para que de alli el governador lo rrepartiese, dando a
cada uno confforme a su persona y meritos de servicios; y esta
horden se guardo en toda esta tierra en la conquista della, y al
que se le hallara oro o plata escondido muriera por ello, y deste
medio nadie oso escondello." Pedro Pizarro, Descub y Conq., Ms.]
Pizarro, with his usual policy, sent back to Panama a large
quantity of the gold, no less than twenty thousand castellanos in
value, in the belief that the sight of so much treasure, thus
speedily acquired, would settle the doubts of the wavering, and
decide them on joining his banner. *19 He judged right. As one
of the Conquerors piously expresses it, "It pleased the Lord that
we should fall in with the town of Coaque, that the riches of the
land might find credit with the people, and that they should
flock to it." *20

[Footnote 19: The booty was great, indeed, if, as Pedro Pizarro,
one of the Conquerors present, says, it amounted in value to
200,000 gold castellanos. "Aqui se hallo mucha chaquira de oro y
de plata, muchas coronas hechas de oro a manera de imperiales, y
otras muchas piezas en que se avaleo montar mas de dozientos mill
castellanos." (Descub. y Conq., Ms.) Naharro, Montesinos, and
Herrera content themselves with stating that he sent back 20,000
castellanos in the vessels to Panama.]

[Footnote 20: "Fueron a dar en vn pueblo que se dezia Coaque que
fue nuestro Senor servido tapasen con el, porque con lo que en el
se hallo se acredito la tierra y vino gente a ella." Pedro
Pizarro, Descub y Conq., Ms.]

Pizarro, having refreshed his men, continued his march along the
coast, but no longer accompanied by the vessels, which had
returned for recruits to Panama. The road, as he advanced, was
checkered with strips of sandy waste, which, drifted about by the
winds, blinded the soldiers, and afforded only treacherous
footing for man and beast. The glare was intense; and the rays
of a vertical sun beat fiercely on the iron mail and the thick
quilted doublets of cotton, till the fainting troops were almost
suffocated with the heat. To add to their distresses, a strange
epidemic broke out in the little army. It took the form of
ulcers, or rather hideous warts of great size, which covered the
body, and when lanced, as was the case with some, discharged such
a quantity of blood as proved fatal to the sufferer. Several
died of this frightful disorder, which was so sudden in its
attack, and attended with such prostration of strength, that
those who lay down well at night were unable to lift their hands
to their heads in the morning. *21 The epidemic, which made its
first appearance during this invasion, and which did not long
survive it, spread over the country, sparing neither native nor
white man. *22 It was one of those plagues from the vial of
wrath, which the destroying angel, who follows in the path of the
conqueror, pours out on the devoted nations.

[Footnote 21: Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. - Pedro Pizarro,
Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Montesinos, Annales, Ms., ano 1530.]

[Footnote 22: Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 15.]
The Spaniards rarely experienced on their march either resistance
or annoyance from the inhabitants, who, instructed by the example
of Coaque, fled with their effects into the woods and
neighbouring mountains. No one came out to welcome the strangers
and offer the rites of hospitality, as on their last visit to the
land. For the white men were no longer regarded as good beings
that had come from heaven, but as ruthless destroyers, who,
invulnerable to the assaults of the Indians, were borne along on
the backs of fierce animals, swifter than the wind, with weapons
in their hands, that scattered fire and desolation as they went.
Such were the stories now circulated of the invaders, which,
preceding them everywhere on their march, closed the hearts, if
not the doors, of the natives against them. Exhausted by the
fatigue of travel and by disease, and grievously disappointed at
the poverty of the land, which now offered no compensation for
their toils, the soldiers of Pizarro cursed the hour in which
they had enlisted under his standard, and the men of Nicaragua,
in particular, says the old chronicler, calling to mind their
pleasant quarters in their luxurious land, sighed only to return
to their Mahometan paradise. *23

[Footnote 23: Aunque ellos no ninguno por aver venido, porque
como avian dexado el paraiso de mahoma que hera Nicaragua y
hallaron la isla alzada y falta de comidas y la mayor parte de la
gente enfferma y no oro ni plata como atras avian hallado,
algunos y todos se holgaran de volver de adonde avian venido."
Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms.]

At this juncture the army was gladdened by the sight of a vessel
from Panama, which brought some supplies, together with the royal
treasurer, the veedor or inspector, the comptroller, and other
high officers appointed by the Crown to attend the expedition.
They had been left in Spain by Pizarro, in consequence of his
abrupt departure from the country; and the Council of the Indies,
on learning the circumstance, had sent instructions to Panama to
prevent the sailing of his squadron from that port. But the
Spanish government, with more wisdom, countermanded the order,
only requiring the functionaries to quicken their own departure,
and take their place without loss of time in the expedition.

The Spaniards in their march along the coast had now advanced as
far as Puerto Viejo. Here they were soon after joined by another
small reinforcement of about thirty men, under an officer named
Belalcazar, who subsequently rose to high distinction in this
service. Many of the followers of Pizarro would now have halted
at this spot and established a colony there. But that chief
thought more of conquering than of colonizing, at least for the
present; and he proposed, as his first step, to get possession of
Tumbez, which he regarded as the gate of the Peruvian empire.
Continuing his march, therefore, to the shores of what is now
called the Gulf of Guayaquil, he arrived off the little island of
Puna, lying at no great distance from the Bay of Tumbez. This
island, he thought, would afford him a convenient place to encamp
until he was prepared to make his descent on the Indian city.

The dispositions of the islanders seemed to favor his purpose.
He had not been long in their neighbourhood, before a deputation
of the natives, with their cacique at their head, crossed over in
their balsas to the main land to welcome the Spaniards to their
residence. But the Indian interpreters of Tumbez, who had
returned with Pizarro from Spain, and continued with the camp,
put their master on his guard against the meditated treachery of
the islanders, whom they accused of designing to destroy the
Spaniards by cutting the ropes that held together the floats, and
leaving those upon them to perish in the waters. Yet the
cacique, when charged by Pizarro with this perfidious scheme,
denied it with such an air of conscious innocence, that the
Spanish commander trusted himself and his followers, without
further hesitation, to his conveyance, and was transported in
safety to the shores of Puna.
Here he was received in a hospitable manner, and his troops were
provided with comfortable quarters. Well satisfied with his
present position, Pizarro resolved to occupy it until the
violence of the rainy season was passed, when the arrival of the
reinforcements he expected would put him in better condition for
marching into the country of the Inca.
The island, which lies in the mouth of the river of Guayaquil,
and is about eight leagues in length by four in breadth, at the
widest part, was at that time partially covered with a noble
growth of timber. But a large portion of it was subjected to
cultivation, and bloomed with plantations of cacao, of the sweet
potato, and the different products of a tropical clime, evincing
agricultural knowledge as well as industry in the population.
They were a warlike race; but had received from their Peruvian
foes the appellation of "perfidious." It was the brand fastened
by the Roman historians on their Carthaginian enemies, - with
perhaps no better reason. The bold and independent islanders
opposed a stubborn resistance to the arms of the Incas; and,
though they had finally yielded, they had been ever since at
feud, and often in deadly hostility, with their neighbours of
Tumbez.
The latter no sooner heard of Pizarro's arrival on the island,
than, trusting, probably, to their former friendly relations with
him, they came over in some number to the Spanish quarters. The
presence of their detested rivals was by no means grateful to the
jealous inhabitants of Puna, and the prolonged residence of the
white men on their island could not be otherwise than burdensome.
In their outward demeanour they still maintained the same show of
amity; but Pizarro's interpreters again put him on his guard
against the proverbial perfidy of their hosts. With his
suspicions thus roused, the Spanish commander was informed that a
number of the chiefs had met together to deliberate on a plan of
insurrection. Not caring to wait for the springing of the mine,
he surrounded the place of meeting with his soldiers and made
prisoners of the suspected chieftains. According to one
authority, they confessed their guilt. *24 This is by no means
certain. Nor is it certain that they meditated an insurrection.
Yet the fact is not improbable in itself; though it derives
little additional probability from the assertion of the hostile
interpreters. It is certain, however, that Pizarro was satisfied
of the existence of a conspiracy; and, without further
hesitation, he abandoned his wretched prisoners, ten or twelve in
number, to the tender mercies of their rivals of Tumbez, who
instantly massacred them before his eyes. *25