The History Of The Conquest Of Peru

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[Footnote 20: "It was not fair," the viceroy said, "that the
country should remain longer in the hands of muleteers and
swineherds, (alluding to the origin of the Pizarros,) and he
would take measures to restore it to the Crown."

"Que asi me la havia de cortar a mi i a todos los que havian
seido notablemente, como el decia, culpados en la batalla de las
Salinas i en las diferencias de Almagro, i que una tierra como
esta no era justo que estuviese en poder de gente tan vaxa que
llamava el a los desta tierra porqueros i arrieros, sino que
estuviese toda en la Corona real." Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a
Valdi via, Ms.]

Assembling together some eighteen or twenty cavaliers in whom he
most trusted, and taking a large amount of silver, drawn from the
mines, he accepted the invitation to repair to Cuzco. As he
approached this capital, he was met by a numerous body of the
citizens, who came out to welcome him, making the air ring with
their shouts, as they saluted him with the title of
Procurator-General of Peru. The title was speedily confirmed by
the municipality of the city, who invited him to head a
deputation to Lima, in order to state their grievances to the
viceroy, and solicit the present suspension of the ordinances.

But the spark of ambition was kindled in the bosom of Pizarro.
He felt strong in the affections of the people; and, from the
more elevated position in which he now stood, his desires took a
loftier and more unbounded range. Yet, if he harboured a
criminal ambition in his breast, he skilfully veiled it from
others, - perhaps from himself. The only object he professed to
have in view was the good of the people; *21 a suspicious phrase,
usually meaning the good of the individual. He now demanded
permission to raise and organize an armed force, with the further
title of Captain-General. His views were entirely pacific; but
it was not safe, unless strongly protected, to urge them on a
person of the viceroy's impatient and arbitrary temper. It was
further contended by Pizarro's friends, that such a force was
demanded, to rid the country of their old enemy, the Inca Manco,
who hovered in the neighbouring mountains with a body of
warriors, ready, at the first opportunity, to descend on the
Spaniards. The municipality of Cuzco hesitated, as well it
might, to confer powers so far beyond its legitimate authority.
But Pizarro avowed his purpose, in case of refusal, to decline
the office of Procurator; and the efforts of his partisans,
backed by those of the people, at length silenced the scruples of
the magistrates, who bestowed on the ambitious chief the military
command to which he aspired. Pizarro accepted it with the modest
assurance, that he did so "purely from regard to the interests of
the king, of the Indies, and, above all, of Peru"! *22

[Footnote 21: "Diciendo que no queria nada para si, sino para el
beneficio universal, i que por todos havia de poner todas sus
fuercas." Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, cap. 20.]

[Footnote 22: "Acepte lo por ver que en ello hacia servicio a
Dios i a S. M. l gran bien a esta tierra i generalmente a todas
las Indias." Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.

Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, ib. 7, cap. 19, 20. - Zarate,
Conq del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 4, 8. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru,
Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 8. - Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia,
Ms. - Montesinoe Annales, Ms., ano 1544.]

Chapter VIII

The Viceroy Arrives At Lima. - Gonzalo Pizarro Marches From
Cuzco. - Death Of The Inca Manco. - Rash Conduct Of The Viceroy.
- Seized And Deposed By The Audience. - Gonzalo Proclaimed
Governor Of Peru.

1544

While the events recorded in the preceding pages were in
progress, Blasco Nunez had been journeying towards Lima. But the
alienation which his conduct had already caused in the minds of
the colonists was shown in the cold reception which he
occasionally experienced on the route, and in the scanty
accommodations provided for him and his retinue. In one place
where he took up his quarters, he found an ominous inscription
over the door: - "He that takes my property must expect to pay
for it with his life." *1 Neither daunted, nor diverted from his
purpose, the inflexible viceroy held on his way towards the
capital, where the inhabitants, preceded by Vaca de Castro and
the municipal authorities, came out to receive him. He entered
in great state, under a canopy of crimson cloth, embroidered with
the arms of Spain, and supported by stout poles or staves of
solid silver, which were borne by the members of the
municipality. A cavalier, holding a mace, the emblem of
authority, rode before him; and after the oaths of office were
administered in the council-chamber, the procession moved towards
the cathedral, where Te Deum was sung, and Blasco Nunez was
installed in his new dignity of viceroy of Peru. *2
[Footnote 1: "A quien me viniere a quitar mi hacienda, quitarle
he la vida." Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, cap. 18.]

[Footnote 2: "Entro en la cibdad de Lima a 17 de Mayo de 1544:
saliole a recibir todo el pueblo a pie y a caballo dos tiros de
ballesta del pueblo, y a la entrada de la cibdad estaba un arco
triunfal de verde con las Armas de Espana, y las de la misma
cibdad; estaban le esperando el Regimiento y Justicia, y
oficiales del Rey con ropas largas, hasta en pies de carmesi, y
un palio del mesmo carmesi aforrado en lo mesmo, con ocho baras
guarnecidas de plata y tomaronle debajo todos a pie, cada Regidor
y justicia con una bara del palio, y el Virrey en su caballo con
las mazas delante tomaronle juramento en un libro misal, y juro
de las guardar y cumplir todas sus libertades y provisiones de S.
M.; y luego fueron desta manera hasta la iglesia, salieron los
clerigos con la cruz a la puerta y le metieron dentro cantando Te
deum laudamus, y despues que obo dicho su oracion, fue con el
cabildo y toda la ciudad a su palacio donde fue recebido y hizo
un parlamento breve en que contento a toda la gente." Relacion de
los sucesos del Peru desde que entro el virrey Blasco Nunez
acaecidos en mar y tierra, Ms.]

His first act was to proclaim his determination in respect to the
ordinances. He had no warrant to suspend their execution. He
should fulfil his commission; but he offered to join the
colonists in a memorial to the emperor, soliciting the repeal of
a code which he now believed would be for the interests neither
of the country nor of the Crown. *3 With this avowed view of the
subject, it may seem strange that Blasco Nunez should not have
taken the responsibility of suspending the law until his
sovereign could be assured of the inevitable consequences of
enforcing it. The pacha of a Turkish despot, who had allowed
himself this latitude for the interests of his master, might,
indeed, have reckoned on the bowstring. But the example of
Mendoza, the prudent viceroy of Mexico, who adopted this course
in a similar crisis, and precisely at the same period, showed its
propriety under existing circumstances. The ordinances were
suspended by him till the Crown could be warned of the
consequences of enforcing them, - and Mexico was saved from
revolution. *4 But Blasco Nunez had not the wisdom of Mendoza.

[Footnote 3: "Porque llanamente el confesaba, que asi para su
Magestad como para aquellos Reinos, eran perjudiciales." Zarate,
Conq. de Peru lib. 5, cap. 5.]

[Footnote 4: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap.
2-5.]
The public apprehension was now far from being allayed. Secret
cabals were formed in Lima, and communications held with the
different towns. No distrust, however, was raised in the breast
of the viceroy, and, when informed of the preparations of Gonzalo
Pizarro, he took no other step than to send a message to his
camp, announcing the extraordinary powers with which he was
himself invested, and requiring that chief to disband his forces.
He seemed to think that a mere word from him would be sufficient
to dissipate rebellion. But it required more than a breath to
scatter the iron soldiery of Peru.

Gonzalo Pizarro, meanwhile, was busily occupied in mustering his
army. His first step was to order from Guamanga sixteen pieces
of artillery sent there by Vaca de Castro, who, in the present
state of excitement, was unwilling to trust the volatile people
of Cuzco with these implements of destruction. Gonzalo, who had
no scruples as to Indian labor, appropriated six thousand of the
natives to the service of transporting this train of ordnance
across the mountains. *5
[Footnote 5: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 8.]

By his exertions and those of his friends, the active chief soon
mustered a force of nearly four hundred men, which, if not very
imposing in the outset, he conceived would be swelled, in his
descent to the coast, by tributary levies from the towns and
villages on the way. All his own funds were expended in
equipping his men and providing for the march; and, to supply
deficiencies, he made no scruple - since, to use his words, it
was for the public interest - to appropriate the moneys in the
royal treasury. With this seasonable aid, his troops, well
mounted and thoroughly equipped, were put in excellent fighting
order; and, after making them a brief harangue, in which he was
careful to insist on the pacific character of his enterprise,
somewhat at variance with its military preparations, Gonzalo
Pizarro sallied forth from the gates of the capital.

Before leaving it, he received an important accession of strength
in the person of Francisco de Carbajal, the veteran who performed
so conspicuous a part in the battle of Chupas. He was at Charcas
when the news of the ordinances reached Peru and he instantly
resolved to quit the country and return to Spain, convinced that
the New World would be no longer the land for him, - no longer
the golden Indies. Turning his effects into money, he prepared
to embark them on board the first ship that offered. But no
opportunity occurred, and he could have little expectation now of
escaping the vigilant eye of the viceroy. Yet, though solicited
by Pizarro to take command under him in the present expedition,
the veteran declined, saying, he was eighty years old, and had no
wish but to return home, and spend his few remaining days in
quiet. *6 Well had it been for him, had he persisted in his
refusal. But he yielded to the importunities of his friend; and
the short space that yet remained to him of life proved long
enough to brand his memory with perpetual infamy.
[Footnote 6: Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, cap. 22.]
Soon after quitting Cuzco, Pizarro learned the death of the Inca
Manco. He was massacred by a party of Spaniards, of the faction
of Almagro, who, on the defeat of their young leader, had taken
refuge in the Indian camp. They, in turn, were all slain by the
Peruvians. It is impossible to determine on whom the blame of
the quarrel should rest, since no one present at the time has
recorded it. *7

[Footnote 7: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Garcilasso Com
Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 7]

The death of Manco Inca, as he was commonly called, is an event
not to be silently passed over in Peruvian history; for he was
the last of his race that may be said to have been animated by
the heroic spirit of the ancient Incas. Though placed on the
throne by Pizarro, far from remaining a mere puppet in his hands,
Manco soon showed that his lot was not to be cast with that of
his conquerors. With the ancient institutions of his country
lying a wreck around him, he yet struggled bravely, like
Guatemozin, the last of the Aztecs, to uphold her tottering
fortunes, or to bury his oppressors under her ruins. By the
assault on his own capital of Cuzco, in which so large a portion
of it was demolished, he gave a check to the arms of Pizarro,
and, for a season, the fate of the Conquerors trembled in the
balance. Though foiled, in the end, by the superior science of
his adversary, the young barbarian still showed the same
unconquerable spirit as before. He withdrew into the fastnesses
of his native mountains, whence sallying forth as occasion
offered, he fell on the caravan of the traveller, or on some
scattered party of the military; and, in the event of a civil
war, was sure to throw his own weight into the weaker scale, thus
prolonging the contest of his enemies, and feeding his revenge by
the sight of their calamities. Moving lightly from spot to spot,
he eluded pursuit amidst the wilds of the Cordilleras; and,
hovering in the neighbourhood of the towns, or lying in ambush on
the great thoroughfares of the country, the Inca Manco made his
name a terror to the Spaniards. Often did they hold out to him
terms of accommodation; and every succeeding ruler down to Blasco
Nunez, bore instructions from the Crown to employ every art to
conciliate the formidable warrior. But Manco did not trust the
promises of the white man; and he chose rather to maintain his
savage independence in the mountains with the few brave spirits
around him, than to live a slave in the land which had once owned
the sway of his ancestors.

The death of the Inca removed one of the great pretexts for
Gonzalo Pizarro's military preparations, but it had little
influence on him, as may be readily imagined. He was much more
sensible to the desertion of some of his followers, which took
place early on the march. Several of the cavaliers of Cuzco,
startled by his unceremonious appropriation of the public moneys,
and by the belligerent aspect of affairs, now for the first time
seemed to realize that they were in the path of rebellion. A
number of these, including some principal men of the city,
secretly withdrew from the army, and, hastening to Lima, offered
their services to the viceroy. The troops were disheartened by
this desertion, and even Pizarro for a moment faltered in his
purpose, and thought of retiring with some fifty followers to
Charcas, and there making his composition with government. But a
little reflection, aided by the remonstrances of the courageous
Carbajal, who never turned his back on an enterprise which he had
once assumed, convinced him that he had gone too far to recede, -
that his only safety was to advance.

He was reassured by more decided manifestations, which he soon
after received, of the public opinion. An officer named Puelles,
who commanded at Guanuco, joined him, with a body of horse with
which he had been intrusted by the viceroy. This defection was
followed by that of others, and Gonzalo, as he descended the
sides of the table-land, found his numbers gradually swelled to
nearly double the amount with which he had left the Indian
capital.

As he traversed with a freer step the bloody field of Chupas,
Carbajal pointed out the various localities of the battle-ground,
and Pizarro might have found food for anxious reflection, as he
meditated on the fortunes of a rebel. At Guamanga he was
received with open arms by the inhabitants, many of whom eagerly
enlisted under his banner; for they trembled for their property,
as they heard from all quarters of the inflexible temper of the
viceroy. *8

[Footnote 8: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 14,
16. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 9, 10. - Herrera,
Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 5-9. - Carta de Gonzalo
Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms. - Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, Ms]

That functionary began now to be convinced that he was in a
critical position. Before Puelles's treachery, above noticed,
had been consummated, the viceroy had received some vague
intimation of his purpose. Though scarcely crediting it, he
detached one of his company, named Diaz, with a force to
intercept him. But, although that cavalier undertook the mission
with alacrity, he was soon after prevailed on to follow the
example of his comrade, and, with the greater part of the men
under his command, went over to the enemy. In the civil feuds of
this unhappy land, parties changed sides so lightly, that
treachery to a commander had almost ceased to be a stain on the
honor of a cavalier. Yet all, on whichever side they cast their
fortunes, loudly proclaimed their loyalty to the Crown.

Thus betrayed by his own men, by those apparently most devoted to
his service, Blasco Nunez became suspicious fell on some who were
most deserving of his confidence. Among these was his
predecessor, Vaca de Castro. That officer had conducted himself,
in the delicate situation in which he had been placed, with his
usual discretion, and with perfect integrity and honor. He had
frankly communicated with the viceroy, and well had it been for
Blasco Nunez, if he had known how to profit by it. But he was too
much puffed up by the arrogance of office, and by the conceit of
his own superior wisdom, to defer much to the counsels of his
experienced predecessor. The latter was now suspected by the
viceroy of maintaining a secret correspondence with his enemies
at Cuzco, - a suspicion which seems to have had no better
foundation than the personal friendship which Vaca de Castro was
known to entertain for these individuals. But, with Blasco
Nunez, to suspect was to be convinced; and he ordered De Castro
to be placed under arrest, and confined on board of a vessel
lying in the harbour. This high-handed measure was followed by
the arrest and imprisonment of several other cavaliers, probably
on grounds equally frivolous. *9

[Footnote 9: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 3. - Pedro
Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte
1, lib. 1, cap. 10.]

He now turned his attention towards the enemy. Notwithstanding
his former failure, he still did not altogether despair of
effecting something by negotiation, and he sent another embassy,
having the bishop of Lima at its head, to Gonzalo Pizarro's camp,
with promises of a general amnesty, and some proposals of a more
tempting character to the commander. But this step, while it
proclaimed his own weakness, had no better success than the
preceding. *10

[Footnote 10: Loaysa, the bishop, was robbed of his despatches,
and not even allowed to enter the camp, lest his presence should
shake the constancy of the soldiers. (See Relacion de los
Sucesos del Peru, Ms.) The account occupies more space than it
deserves in most of the authorities.]

The viceroy now vigorously prepared for war. His first care was
to put the capital in a posture of defence, by strengthening its
fortifications, and throwing barricades across the streets. He
ordered a general enrolment of the citizens, and called in levies
from the neighbouring towns, - a call not very promptly answered.
A squadron of eight or ten vessels was got ready in the port to
act in concert with the land forces. The bells were taken from
the churches, and used in the manufacture of muskets; *11 and
funds were procured from the fifths which had accumulated in the
royal treasury. The most extravagant bounty was offered to the
soldiers, and prices were paid for mules and horses, which showed
that gold, or rather silver, was the commodity of least value in
Peru. *12 By these efforts, the active commander soon assembled a
force considerably larger than that of his adversary. But how
could he confide in it?

[Footnote 11: "Hico hacer gran Copia de Arcabuces, asi de Hierro,
como de Fundicion, de ciertas Campanas de la Iglesia Maior, que
para ello quito." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 6.]

[Footnote 12: Blasco Nunez paid, according to Zarate, who had the
means of knowing, twelve thousand ducats for thirty-five mules. -
"El Visorrei les mando comprar, de la Hacienda Real, treinta i
cinco Machos, en que hiciesen la Jornada, que costaron mas de
doce mil ducados." (Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 10.) The
South-American of our day might well be surprised at such prices
for animals since so abundant in his country.]
While these preparations were going forward, the judges of the
Audience arrived at Lima. They had shown, throughout their
progress, no great respect either for the ordinances, or the will
of the viceroy; for they had taxed the poor natives as freely and
unscrupulously as any of the Conquerors. We have seen the entire
want of cordiality subsisting between them and their principal in
Panama. It became more apparent, on their landing at Lima. They
disapproved of his proceedings in every particular; of his
refusal to suspend the ordinances, - although, in fact, he had
found no opportunity, of late, to enforce them; of his
preparations for defence, declaring that he ought rather trust to
the effect of negotiation; and, finally, of his imprisonment of
so many loyal cavaliers, which they pronounced an arbitrary act,
altogether beyond the bounds of his authority; and they did not
scruple to visit the prison in person, and discharge the captives
from their confinement. *13

[Footnote 13: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap.
10. - Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 2, 10. - Carta
de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, Ms.]

This bold proceeding, while it conciliated the good-will of the
people, severed, at once, all relations with the viceroy. There
was in the Audience a lawyer, named Cepeda, a cunning, ambitious
man, with considerable knowledge in the way of his profession,
and with still greater talent for intrigue. He did not disdain
the low arts of a demagogue to gain the favor of the populace,
and trusted to find his own account in fomenting a
misunderstanding with Blasco Nunez. The latter, it must be
confessed, did all in his power to aid his counsellor in this
laudable design.

A certain cavalier in the place, named Suarez de Carbajal, who
had long held an office under government, fell under the
viceroy's displeasure, on suspicion of conniving at the secession
of some of his kinsmen, who had lately taken part with the
malecontents. The viceroy summoned Carbajal to attend him at his
palace, late at night; and when conducted to his presence, he
bluntly charged him with treason. The latter stoutly denied the
accusation, in tones as haughty as those of his accuser. The
altercation grew warm, until, in the heat of passion, Blasco
Nunez struck him with his poniard. In an instant, the
attendants, taking this as a signal, plunged their swords into
the body of the unfortunate man, who fell lifeless on the floor.
*14

[Footnote 14: "He struck him in the bosom with his dagger, as
some say, but the viceroy denies it." - So says Zarate, in the
printed copy of his history. (Lib. 5, cap. 11.) In the original
manuscript of this work, still extant at Simancas, he states the
fact without any qualification at all. "Luego el dicho Virrei
echo mano a una daga, i arremetio con el, i le dio una punalada,
i a grandes voces mando que le matasen." (Zarate, Ms.) This was
doubtless his honest conviction, when on the pot soon after the
event occurred. The politic historian thought it prudent to
qualify his remark before publication. - "They say," says another
contemporary, familiar with these events and friendly to the
viceroy, "that he gave him several wounds with his dagger." And
he makes no attempt to refute the charge. (Relacion de los
Sucesos del Peru, Ms.) Indeed, this version of the story seems to
have been generally received at the time by those who had the
best means of knowing the truth.]

Greatly alarmed for the consequences of his rash act, - for
Carbajal was much beloved in Lima, - Blasco Nunez ordered the
corpse of the murdered man to be removed by a private stairway
from the house, and carried to the cathedral, where, rolled in
his bloody cloak, it was laid in a grave hastily dug to receive
it. So tragic a proceeding, known to so many witnesses, could
not long be kept secret. Vague rumors of the fact explained the
mysterious disappearance of Carbajal. The grave was opened, and
the mangled remains of the slaughtered cavalier established the
guilt of the viceroy. *15

[Footnote 15: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, ubi supra.]

From this hour Blasco Nunez was held in universal abhorrence; and
his crime, in this instance, assumed the deeper dye of
ingratitude, since the deceased was known to have had the
greatest influence in reconciling the citizens early to his
government. No one knew where the blow would fall next, or how
soon he might himself become the victim of the ungovernable
passions of the viceroy. In this state of things, some looked to
the Audience, and yet more to Gonzalo Pizarro, to protect them.
That chief was slowly advancing towards Lima, from which, indeed,
he was removed but a few days' march. Greatly perplexed, Blasco
Nunez now felt the loneliness of his condition. Standing aloof,
as it were, from his own followers, thwarted by the Audience,
betrayed by his soldiers, he might well feel the consequences of
his misconduct. Yet there seemed no other course for him, but
either to march out and meet the enemy, or to remain in Lima and
defend it. He had placed the town in a posture of defence, which
argued this last to have been his original purpose. But he felt
he could no longer rely on his troops, and he decided on a third
course, most unexpected.