The History Of The Conquest Of Peru

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With his eminent qualifications, and with a social position that
commanded respect, it is strange that so much of his writings -
the whole of his great Historia de las Indias, and his curious
Quincuagenas - should be so long suffered to remain in
manuscript. This is partly chargeable to the caprice of fortune;
for the History was more than once on the eve of publication, and
is even now understood to be prepared for the press. Yet it has
serious defects, which may have contributed to keep it in its
present form. In its desultory and episodical style of
composition, it resembles rather notes for a great history, than
history itself. It may be regarded in the light of commentaries,
or as illustrations of the times. In that view his pages are of
high worth, and have been frequently resorted to by writers who
have not too scrupulously appropriated the statements of the old
chronicler, with slight acknowledgments to their author.

It is a pity that Oviedo should have shown more solicitude to
tell what was new, than to ascertain how much of it was strictly
true. Among his merits will scarcely be found that of historical
accuracy. And yet we may find an apology for this, to some
extent, in the fact, that his writings, as already intimated, are
not so much in the nature of finished compositions, as of loose
memoranda, where every thing, rumor as well as fact, - even the
most contradictory rumors, - are all set down at random, forming
a miscellaneous heap of materials, of which the discreet
historian may avail himself to rear a symmetrical fabric on
foundations of greater strength and solidity.

Another author worthy of particular note is Pedro Cieza de Leon.
His Cronica del Peru should more properly be styled an Itinerary,
or rather Geography, of Peru. It gives a minute topographical
view of the country at the time of the Conquest; of its provinces
and towns, both Indian and Spanish; its flourishing sea-coast;
its forests, valleys, and interminable ranges of mountains in the
interior; with many interesting particulars of the existing
population, - their dress, manners, architectural remains, and
public works, while, scattered here and there, may be found
notices of their early history and social polity. It is, in
short, a lively picture of the country in its physical and moral
relations, as it met the eye at the time of the Conquest, and in
that transition period when it was first subjected to European
influences. The conception of a work, at so early a period, on
this philosophical plan, reminding us of that of Malte-Brun in
our own time, - parva componere magnis, - was, of itself,
indicative of great comprehensiveness of mind in its author. It
was a task of no little difficulty, where there was yet no
pathway opened by the labors of the antiquarian; no hints from
the sketch-book of the traveller, or the measurements of the
scientific explorer. Yet the distances from place to place are
all carefully jotted down by the industrious compiler, and the
bearings of the different places and their peculiar features are
exhibited with sufficient precision, considering the nature of
the obstacles he had to encounter. The literary execution of the
work, moreover, is highly respectable, sometimes even rich and
picturesque; and the author describes the grand and beautiful
scenery of the Cordilleras with a sensibility to its charms, not
often found in the tasteless topographer, still less often in the
rude Conqueror.

Cieza de Leon came to the New World, as he informs us, at the
early age of thirteen. But it is not till Gasca's time that we
find his name enrolled among the actors in the busy scenes of
civil strife, when he accompanied the president in his campaign
against Gonzalo Pizarro. His Chronicle, or, at least, the notes
for it, was compiled in such leisure as he could snatch from his
more stirring avocations; and after ten years from the time he
undertook it, the First Part - all we have - was completed in
1550, when the author had reached only the age of thirty-two. It
appeared at Seville in 1553, and the following year at Antwerp;
while an Italian translation, printed at Rome, in 1555, attested
the rapid celebrity of the work. The edition of Antwerp - the
one used by me in this compilation - is in the duodecimo form,
exceedingly well printed, and garnished with wood-cuts, in which
Satan, - for the author had a full measure of the ancient
credulity, - with his usual bugbear accompaniments, frequently
appears in bodily presence. In the Preface, Cieza announces his
purpose to continue the work in three other parts, illustrating
respectively the ancient history of the country under the Incas,
its conquest by the Spaniards, and the civil wars which ensued.
He even gives, with curious minuteness, the contents of the
several books of the projected history. But the First Part, as
already noticed, was alone completed; and the author, having
returned to Spain, died there in 1560, at the premature age of
forty-two, without having covered any portion of the magnificent
ground-plan which he had thus confidently laid out. The
deficiency is much to be regretted, considering the talent of the
writer, and his opportunities for personal observation. But he
has done enough to render us grateful for his labors. By the
vivid delineation of scenes and scenery, as they were presented
fresh to his own eyes, he has furnished us with a background to
the historic picture, - the landscape, as it were, in which the
personages of the time might be more fitly portrayed. It would
have been impossible to exhibit the ancient topography of the
land so faithfully at a subsequent period, when old things had
passed away, and the Conqueror, breaking down the landmarks of
ancient civilization, had effaced many of the features even of
the physical aspect of the country, as it existed under the
elaborate culture of the Incas.]

The advice of the bold counsellor was, perhaps, the most politic
that could have been given to Pizarro under existing
circumstances. For he was like one who had heedlessly climbed
far up a dizzy precipice, - too far to descend safely, while he
had no sure hold where he was. His only chance was to climb
still higher, till he had gained the summit. But Gonzalo Pizarro
shrunk from the attitude, in which this placed him, of avowed
rebellion. Notwithstanding the criminal course into which he had
been, of late, seduced, the sentiment of loyalty was too deeply
implanted in his bosom to be wholly eradicated. Though in arms
against the measures and ministers of his sovereign, he was not
prepared to raise the sword against that sovereign himself. He,
doubtless, had conflicting emotions in his bosom; like Macbeth,
and many a less noble nature,

"Would not play false,
And yet would wrongly win."

And however grateful to his vanity might be the picture of the
air-drawn sceptre thus painted to his imagination, he had not the
audacity - we may, perhaps, say, the criminal ambition - to
attempt to grasp it.
Even at this very moment, when urged to this desperate extremity,
he was preparing a mission to Spain, in order to vindicate the
course he had taken, and to solicit an amnesty for the past, with
a full confirmation of his authority, as successor to his brother
in the government of Peru. - Pizarro did not read the future with
the calm, prophetic eye of Carbajal.

Book V: Settlement Of The Country

Chapter I

Great Sensation In Spain. - Pedro De La Gasca. - His Early Life.
- His Mission To Peru. - His Politic Conduct. - His Offers To
Pizarro. - Gains The Fleet.
1545-1547.

While the important revolution detailed in the preceding pages
was going forward in Peru, rumors of it, from time to time, found
their way to the mother-country; but the distance was so great,
and opportunities for communication so rare, that the tidings
were usually very long behind the occurrence of the events to
which they related. The government heard with dismay of the
troubles caused by the ordinances and the intemperate conduct of
the viceroy; and it was not long before it learned that this
functionary was deposed and driven from his capital, while the
whole country, under Gonzalo Pizarro, was arrayed in arms against
him. All classes were filled with consternation at this alarming
intelligence; and many that had before approved the ordinances
now loudly condemned the ministers, who, without considering the
inflammable temper of the people, had thus rashly fired a train
which menaced a general explosion throughout the colonies. *1 No
such rebellion, within the memory of man, had occurred in the
Spanish empire. It was compared with the famous war of the
comunidades, in the beginning of Charles the Fifth's reign. But
the Peruvian insurrection seemed the more formidable of the two.
The troubles of Castile, being under the eye of the Court, might
be the more easily managed; while it was difficult to make the
same power felt on the remote shores of the Indies. Lying along
the distant Pacific, the principle of attraction which held Peru
to the parent country was so feeble, that this colony might, at
any time, with a less impulse than that now given to it, fly from
its political orbit. It seemed as if the fairest of its jewels
was about to fall from the imperial diadem!

[Footnote 1: "Que aquello era contra una cedula que tenian del
Emperador que les daba el repartimiento de los indios de su vida,
y del hijo mayor, y no teniendo hijos a sus mugeres, con
mandarles espresamente que se casasen como lo habian ya hecho los
mas de ellos; y que tambien era contra otra cedula real que
ninguno podia ser despojado de sus indios sin ser primero oido a
justicia y condenado." Historia de Don Pedro Gasca, Obispo de
Siguenza. Ms.]

Such was the state of things in the summer of 1545, when Charles
the Fifth was absent in Germany, occupied with the religious
troubles of the empire. The government was in the hands of his
son, who, under the name of Philip the Second, was soon to sway
the sceptre over the largest portion of his father's dominions,
and who was then holding his court at Valladolid. He called
together a council of prelates, jurists, and military men of
greatest experience, to deliberate on the measures to be pursued
for restoring order in the colonies. All agreed in regarding
Pizarro's movement in the light of an audacious rebellion; and
there were few, at first, who were not willing to employ the
whole strength of government to vindicate the honor of the Crown,
- to quell the insurrection, and bring the authors of it to
punishment. *2
[Footnote 2: Ms. de Caravantes. - Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.
One of this council was the great Duke of Alva, of such gloomy
celebrity afterwards in the Netherlands. We may well believe his
voice was for coercion.]

But, however desirable this might appear, a very little
reflection showed that it was not easy to be done, if, indeed, it
were practicable. The great distance of Peru required troops to
be transported not merely across the ocean, but over the broad
extent of the great continent. And how was this to be effected,
when the principal posts, the keys of communication with the
country, were in the hands of the rebels, while their fleet rode
in the Pacific, the mistress of its waters, cutting off all
approach to the coast? Even if a Spanish force could be landed
in Peru, what chance would it have, unaccustomed, as it would be,
to the country and the climate, of coping with the veterans of
Pizarro, trained to war in the Indies and warmly attached to the
person of their commander? The new levies thus sent out might
become themselves infected with the spirit of insurrection, and
cast off their own allegiance. *3
[Footnote 3: "Ventilose la forma del remedio de tan grave caso en
que huvo dos opiniones; la una de imbiar un gran soldado con
fuerza de gente a la demostracion de este castigo; la otra que se
llevase el negocio por prudentes y suaves medios, por la
imposibilidad y falto de dinero para llevar gente, cavallos,
armas, municiones y vastimentos, y para sustentarlos en tierra
firme y pasarlos al Piru." Ms. de Caravantes.]
Nothing remained, therefore, but to try conciliatory measures.
The government, however mortifying to its pride, must retrace its
steps. A free grace must be extended to those who submitted, and
such persuasive arguments should be used, and such politic
concessions made, as would convince the refractory colonists that
it was their interest, as well as their duty, to return to their
allegiance.

But to approach the people in their present state of excitement,
and to make those concessions without too far compromising the
dignity and permanent authority of the Crown, was a delicate
matter, for the success of which they must rely wholly on the
character of the agent. After much deliberation, a competent
person, as it was thought, was found in an ecclesiastic, by the
name of Pedro de la Gasca, - a name which, brighter by contrast
with the gloomy times in which it first appeared, still shines
with undiminished splendor after the lapse of ages.

Pedro de la Gasca was born, probably, towards the close of the
fifteenth century, in a small village in Castile, named Barco de
Avila. He came, both by father and mother's side, from an ancient
and noble lineage; ancient indeed, if, as his biographers
contend, he derived his descent from Casca, one of the
conspirators against Julius Caesar! *4 Having the misfortune to
lose his father early in life, he was placed by his uncle in the
famous seminary of Alcala de Henares, founded by the great
Ximenes. Here he made rapid proficiency in liberal studies,
especially in those connected with his profession, and at length
received the degree of Master of Theology.

[Footnote 4: "Pasando a Espana vinieron a tierra de Avila y quedo
del nombre dellos el lugar y familia de Gasca; mudandose por la
afinidad de la pronunciacion, que hay entre las dos letras
consonantes c. y. g. el nombre de Casca en Gasca." Hist. de Don
Pedro Gasca, Ms.

Similarity of name is a peg quite strong enough to hang a
pedigree upon in Castile.]

The young man, however, discovered other talents than those
demanded by his sacred calling. The war of the comunidades was
then raging in the country; and the authorities of his college
showed a disposition to take the popular side. But Gasca,
putting himself at the head of an armed force, seized one of the
gates of the city, and, with assistance from the royal troops,
secured the place to the interests of the Crown. This early
display of loyalty was probably not lost on his vigilant
sovereign *5
[Footnote 5: This account of the early history of Gasca I have
derived chiefly from a manuscript biographical notice written in
1465, during the prelate's life. The name of the author, who
speaks apparently from personal knowledge, is not given: but it
seems to be the work of a scholar, and is written with a certain
pretension to elegance. The original Ms. forms part of the
valuable collection of Don Pascual de Gayangos of Madrid. It is
of much value for the light it throws on the early career of
Gasca, which has been passed over in profound silence by
Castilian historians. It is to be regretted that the author did
not continue his labors beyond the period when the subject of
them received his appointment to the Peruvian mission.]

From Alcala, Gasca was afterwards removed to Salamanca; where he
distinguished himself by his skill in scholastic disputation, and
obtained the highest academic honors in that ancient university,
the fruitful nursery of scholarship and genius. He was
subsequently intrusted with the management of some important
affairs of an ecclesiastical nature, and made a member of the
Council of the Inquisition.

In this latter capacity he was sent to Valencia, about 1540, to
examine into certain alleged cases of heresy in that quarter of
the country. These were involved in great obscurity; and,
although Gasca had the assistance of several eminent jurists in
the investigation, it occupied him nearly two years. In the
conduct of this difficult matter, he showed so much penetration,
and such perfect impartiality, that he was appointed by the
Cortes of Valencia to the office of visitador of that kingdom; a
highly responsible post, requiring great discretion in the person
who filled it, since it was his province to inspect the condition
of the courts of justice and of finance, throughout the land,
with authority to reform abuses. It was proof of extraordinary
consideration, that it should have been bestowed on Gasca; since
it was a departure from the established usage - and that in a
nation most wedded to usage - to confer the office on any but a
subject of the Aragonese crown. *6
[Footnote 6: "Era tanta la opinion que en Valencia tenian de la
integridad y prudencia de Gasca, que en las Cortes de Monzon los
Estados de aquel Reyno le pidieron por Visitador contra la
costumbre y fuero de aquel Reyno, que no puede serlo sino fuere
natural de la Corona de Araugon, y consintiendo que aquel fuero
se derogase el Emperador lo concedio a instancia y peticion
dellos." Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca Ms.]
Gasca executed the task assigned to him with independence and
ability. While he was thus occupied, the people of Valencia were
thrown into consternation by a meditated invasion of the French
and the Turks, who, under the redoubtable Barbarossa, menaced the
coast and the neighbouring Balearic isles. Fears were generally
entertained of a rising of the Morisco population; and the
Spanish officers who had command in that quarter, being left
without the protection of a navy, despaired of making head
against the enemy. In this season of general panic, Gasca alone
appeared calm and self-possessed. He remonstrated with the
Spanish commanders on their unsoldierlike despondency; encouraged
them to confide in the loyalty of the Moriscos; and advised the
immediate erection of fortifications along the shores for their
protection. He was, in consequence, named one of a commission to
superintend these works, and to raise levies for defending the
sea-coast; and so faithfully was the task performed, that
Barbarossa, after some ineffectual attempts to make good his
landing, was baffled at all points, and compelled to abandon the
enterprise as hopeless. The chief credit of this resistance must
be assigned to Gasca, who superintended the construction of the
defences, and who was enabled to contribute a large part of the
requisite funds by the economical reforms he had introduced into
the administration of Valencia. *7

[Footnote 7: "Que parece cierto," says his enthusiastic
biographer, "que por disposicion Divina vino a hallarse Gasca
entonces en la Ciudad de Valencia, para remedio de aquel Reyno y
Islas de Mallorca y Menorca e lviza, segun la orden, prevencion y
diligencia que en la defensa contra las armadas del Turco y
Francia tuvo, y las provisiones que para ello hizo." Hist. de Don
Pedro Gasca, Ms.]

It was at this time, the latter part of the year 1545, that the
council of Philip selected Gasca as the person most competent to
undertake the perilous mission to Peru. *8 His character, indeed,
seemed especially suited to it. His loyalty had been shown
through his whole life. With great suavity of manners he
combined the most intrepid resolution. Though his demeanour was
humble, as beseemed his calling, it was far from abject; for he
was sustained by a conscious rectitude of purpose, that impressed
respect on all with whom he had intercourse. He was acute in his
perceptions, had a shrewd knowledge of character, and, though
bred to the cloister, possessed an acquaintance with affairs, and
even with military science, such as was to have been expected
only from one reared in courts and camps.

[Footnote 8: "Finding a lion would not answer, they sent a lamb,"
says Gomara; - "Finalmente, quiso embiar una Oveja, pues un Leon
no aprovecho; y asi escogio al Licenciado Pedro Gasca." Hist. de
las Ind., cap. 174.]
Without hesitation, therefore, the council unanimously
recommended him to the emperor, and requested his approbation of
their proceedings. Charles had not been an inattentive observer
of Gasca's course. His attention had been particularly called to
the able manner in which he had conducted the judicial process
against the heretics of Valencia. *9 The monarch saw, at once,
that he was the man for the present emergency; and he immediately
wrote to him, with his own hand, expressing his entire
satisfaction at the appointment, and intimating his purpose to
testify his sense of his worth by preferring him to one of the
principal sees then vacant.

[Footnote 9: Gasca made what the author calls una breve y copyosa
relacion of the proceedings to the emperor in Valencia; and the
monarch was so intent on the inquiry, that he devoted the whole
afternoon to it, notwithstanding his son Philip was waiting for
him to attend a fiesta! irrefragable proof, as the writer
conceives, of his zeal for the faith. -"Queriendo entender muy de
raizo todo lo que pasaba, como Principe tan zeloso que era de las
cosas de la religion." Hist. de Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.]

Gasca accepted the important mission now tendered to him without
hesitation; and, repairing to Madrid, received the instructions
of the government as to the course to be pursued. They were
expressed in the most benign and conciliatory tone, perfectly in
accordance with the suggestions of his own benevolent temper. *10
But, while he commended the tone of the instructions, he
considered the powers with which he was to be intrusted as wholly
incompetent to their object. They were conceived in the jealous
spirit with which the Spanish government usually limited the
authority of its great colonial officers, whose distance from
home gave peculiar cause for distrust. On every strange and
unexpected emergency, Gasca saw that he should be obliged to send
back for instructions. This must cause delay, where promptitude
was essential to success. The Court, moreover, as he represented
to the council, was, from its remoteness from the scene of
action, utterly incompetent to pronounce as to the expediency of
the measures to be pursued. Some one should be sent out in whom
the king could implicitly confide, and who should be invested
with powers competent to every emergency; powers not merely to
decide on what was best, but to carry that decision into
execution; and he boldly demanded that he should go not only as
the representative of the sovereign, but clothed with all the
authority of the sovereign himself. Less than this would defeat
the very object for which he was to be sent. "For myself," he
concluded, "I ask neither salary nor compensation of any kind. I
covet no display of state or military array. With my stole and
breviary I trust to do the work that is committed to me. *11
Infirm as I am in body, the repose of my own home would have been
more grateful to me than this dangerous mission; but I will not
shrink from it at the bidding of my sovereign, and if, as is very
probable, I may not be permitted again to see my native land, I
shall, at least, be cheered by the consciousness of having done
my best to serve its interests." *12

[Footnote 10: These instructions, the patriarchal tone of which
is highly creditable to the government, are given in extenso in
the Ms. of Caravantes, and in no other work which I have
consulted.]

[Footnote 11: "De suerte que juzgassen que la mas fuerca que
lleuaua, era su abito de clerigo y breuiario." Fernandez, Hist.
del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 16.]

[Footnote 12: Ms. de Caravantes. - Hist. del Don Pedro Gasca, Ms.
- Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 16, 17.

Though not for himself, Gasca did solicit one favor of the
emperor, - the appointment of his brother, an eminent jurist, to
a vacant place on the bench of one of the Castilian tribunals]

The members of the council, while they listened with admiration
to the disinterested avowal of Gasca, were astounded by the
boldness of his demands. Not that they distrusted the purity of
his motives, for these were above suspicion. But the powers for
which he stipulated were so far beyond those hitherto delegated
to a colonial viceroy, that they felt they had no warrant to
grant them. They even shrank from soliciting them from the
emperor, and required that Gasca himself should address the
monarch, and state precisely the grounds on which demands so
extraordinary were founded.

Gasca readily adopted the suggestion, and wrote in the most full
and explicit manner to his sovereign, who had then transferred
his residence to Flanders. But Charles was not so tenacious, or,
at least, so jealous, of authority, as his ministers. He had
been too long in possession of it to feel that jealousy; and,
indeed, many years were not to elapse, before, oppressed by its
weight, he was to resign it altogether into the hands of his son.
His sagacious mind, moreover, readily comprehended the
difficulties of Gasca's position. He felt that the present
extraordinary crisis was to be met only by extraordinary
measures. He assented to the force of his vassal's arguments,
and, on the sixteenth of February, 1546, wrote him another letter
expressive of his approbation, and intimated his willingness to
grant him powers as absolute as those he had requested.
Gasca was to be styled President of the Royal Audience. But,
under this simple title, he was placed at the head of every
department in the colony, civil, military, and judicial. He was
empowered to make new repartimientos, and to confirm those
already made. He might declare war, levy troops, appoint to all
offices, or remove from them, at pleasure. He might exercise the
royal prerogative of pardoning offences, and was especially
authorized to grant an amnesty to all, without exception,
implicated in the present rebellion. He was, moreover, to
proclaim at once the revocation of the odious ordinances. These
two last provisions might be said to form the basis of all his
operations.