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The History Of The Conquest Of Peru

W >> William H. Prescott >> The History Of The Conquest Of Peru




[Footnote 20: "Entre otras cosas dixo a Goncalo Picarro vuesa
Senoria mando quemar cinco angeles que tenia en su puerto para
guarda y defensa de la costa del Peru." Garcilasso, Parte 2, lit.
5, cap. 6.]

The first act of Aldana was to cause the copy of Gasca's powers,
with which he had been intrusted, to be conveyed to his ancient
commander, by whom it was indignantly torn in pieces. Aldana
next contrived, by means of his agents, to circulate among the
citizens, and even the soldiers of the camp, the president's
manifestoes. They were not long in producing their effect. Few
had been at all aware of the real purport of Gasca's mission, of
the extent of his powers, or of the generous terms offered by
government. They shrunk from the desperate course into which
they had been thus unwarily seduced, and they sought only in what
way they could, with least danger, extricate themselves from
their present position, and return to their allegiance. Some
escaped by night from the camp, eluded the vigilance of the
sentinels, and effected their retreat on board the vessels. Some
were taken, and found no quarter at the hands of Carbajal and his
merciless ministers. But, where the spirit of disaffection was
abroad, means of escape were not wanting.

As the fugitives were cut off from Lima and the neighbouring
coast, they secreted themselves in the forests and mountains, and
watched their opportunity for making their way to Truxillo and
other ports at a distance; and so contagious was the example,
that it not unfrequently happened that the very soldiers sent in
pursuit of the deserters joined with them. Among those that fled
was the Licentiate Carbajal, who must not be confounded with his
military namesake. He was the same cavalier whose brother had
been put to death in Lima by Blasco Nunez, and who revenged
himself, as we have seen, by imbruing his own hands in the blood
of the viceroy. That a person thus implicated should trust to
the royal pardon showed that no one need despair of it; and the
example proved most disastrous to Pizarro. *21

[Footnote 21: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Gomara,
Hist. de las Ind., cap. 180. - Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte
1, lib. 2, cap. 63, 65. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap.
15, 16.]

Carbajal, who made a jest of every thing, even of the misfortunes
which pinched him the sharpest, when told of the desertion of his
comrades, amused himself by humming the words of a popular ditty:
-
"The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother:
Two at a time, it blows them away!" *22

[Footnote 22: "Estos mis Cabellicos, Madre,
Dos a dos me los lleva el Aire."
Gomara, Hist. de las Ind., cap 180.]

But the defection of his followers made a deeper impression on
Pizarro, and he was sorely distressed as he beheld the gallant
array, to which he had so confidently looked for gaining his
battles, thus melting away like a morning mist. Bewildered by
the treachery of those in whom he had most trusted, he knew not
where to turn, nor what course to take. It was evident that he
must leave his present dangerous quarters without loss of time.
But whither should he direct his steps? In the north, the great
towns had abandoned his cause, and the president was already
marching against him; while Centeno held the passes of the south,
with a force double his own. In this emergency, he at length
resolved to occupy Arequipa, a seaport still true to him, where
he might remain till he had decided on some future course of
operations.

After a painful but rapid march, Gonzalo arrived at this place,
where he was speedily joined by a reinforcement that he had
detached for the recovery of Cuzco. But so frequent had been the
desertions from both companies, - though in Pizarro's corps these
had greatly lessened since the departure from the neighbourhood
of Lima, - that his whole number did not exceed five hundred men,
less than half of the force which he had so recently mustered in
the capital. To such humble circumstances was the man now
reduced, who had so lately lorded it over the land with unlimited
sway! Still the chief did not despond. He had gathered new
spirit from the excitement of his march and his distance from
Lima; and he seemed to recover his former confidence, as he
exclaimed, - "It is misfortune that teaches us who are our
friends. If but ten only remain true to me, fear not but I will
again be master of Peru!" *23

[Footnote 23: "Aunque siempre dijo: que con diez Amigos que le
quedasen, havia de conservarse, i conquistar de nuevo el Peru:
tanta era su sana,sana o su sobervia." Ibid., loc cit.]

No sooner had the rebel forces withdrawn from the neighbourhood
of Lima, than the inhabitants of that city, little troubled, as
Carbajal had predicted, by their compulsory oaths of allegiance
to Pizarro, threw open their gates to Aldana, who took possession
of this important place in the name of the president. That
commander, meanwhile, had sailed with his whole fleet from
Panama, on the tenth of April, 1547. The first part of his
voyage was prosperous; but he was soon perplexed by contrary
currents, and the weather became rough and tempestuous. The
violence of the storm continuing day after day, the sea was
lashed into fury, and the fleet was tossed about on the billows,
which ran mountain high, as if emulating the wild character of
the region they bounded. The rain descended in torrents, and the
lightning was so incessant, that the vessels, to quote the lively
language of the chronicler, "seemed to be driving through seas of
flame!" *24 The hearts of the stoutest mariners were filled with
dismay. They considered it hopeless to struggle against the
elements, and they loudly demanded to return to the continent,
and postpone the voyage till a more favorable season of the year.

[Footnote 24: "Y los truenos y relapagos eran tantos y tales; que
siempre parecia que estauan en llamas, y que sobre ellos venian
Rayos (que en todas aquellas partes caen muchos)." (Fernandez,
Hist del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.) The vivid coloring of
the old chronicler shows that he had himself been familiar with
these tropics tempests on the Pacific.]
But the president saw in this the ruin of his cause, as well as
of the loyal vassals who had engaged, on his landing, to support
it. "I am willing to die," he said, "but not to return"; and,
regardless of the remonstrances of his more timid followers he
insisted on carrying as much sail as the ships could possibly
bear, at every interval of the storm. *25 Meanwhile, to divert
the minds of the seamen from their present danger, Gasca amused
them by explaining some of the strange phenomena exhibited by the
ocean in the tempest, which had filled their superstitious minds
with mysterious dread. *26

[Footnote 25: "Y con lo poco que en aquella sazon, el Presidente
estimaua la vida si no auia de hazer la jornada: y el gran desseo
que tenia de hazeria se puso cotra ellos diziendo, que qual
quiera que le tocasse en abaxar vela, le costaria la vida."
Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.]
[Footnote 26: The phosphoric lights, sometimes seen in a storm at
sea, were observed to hover round the masts and rigging of the
president's vessel; and he amused the seamen, according to
Fernandez, by explaining the phenomenon, and telling the fables
to which they had given rise in ancient mythology. - This little
anecdote affords a key to Gasca's popularity with even the
humblest classes.]

Signals had been given for the ships to make the best of their
way, each for itself, to the island of Gorgona. Here they
arrived, one after another, with but a single exception, though
all more or less shattered by the weather. The president waited
only for the fury of the elements to spend itself when he again
embarked, and, on smoother waters, crossed over to Manta. From
this place he soon after continued his voyage to Tumbez, and
landed at that port on the thirteenth of June. He was everywhere
received with enthusiasm, and all seemed anxious to efface the
remembrance of the past by professions of future fidelity to the
Crown. Gasca received, also, numerous letters of congratulation
from cavaliers in the interior, most of whom had formerly taken
service under Pizarro. He made courteous acknowledgments for
their offers of assistance, and commanded them to repair to
Caxamalca, the general place of rendezvous.
To this same spot he sent Hinojosa, so soon as that officer had
disembarked with the land forces from the fleet, ordering him to
take command of the levies assembled there, and then join him at
Xauxa. Here he determined to establish his head-quarters. It
lay in a rich and abundant territory, and by its central position
afforded a point for acting with greatest advantage against the
enemy.

He then moved forward, at the head of a small detachment of
cavalry, along the level road on the coast. After halting for a
short time in that loyal city, he traversed the mountain range on
the southeast, and soon entered the fruitful valley of Xauxa.
There he was presently joined by reinforcements from the north,
as well as from the principal places on the coast; and, not long
after his arrival, received a message from Centeno, informing him
that he held the passes by which Gonzalo Pizarro was preparing to
make his escape from the country, and that the insurgent chief
must soon fall into his hands.
The royal camp was greatly elated by these tidings. The war,
then, was at length terminated, and that without the president
having been called upon so much as to lift his sword against a
Spaniard. Several of his counsellors now advised him to disband
the greater part of his forces, as burdensome and no longer
necessary. But the president was too wise to weaken his strength
before he had secured the victory. He consented, however, to
countermand the requisition for levies from Mexico and the
adjoining colonies, as now feeling sufficiently strong in the
general loyalty of the country. But, concentrating his forces at
Xauxa, he established his quarters in that town, as he had first
intended, resolved to await there tidings of the operations in
the south. The result was different from what he had expected.
*27

[Footnote 27: For the preceding pages, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub.
y Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 1. - Herrera,
Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 14, et seq. - Fernandez,
Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71-77. - Ms. de Caravantes.

This last writer, who held an important post in the department of
colonial finance, had opportunities of information which have
enabled him to furnish several particulars not to be met with
elsewhere, respecting the principal actors in these turbulent
times. His work, still in manuscript, which formerly existed in
the archives of the University of Salamanca, has been transferred
to the King's library at Madrid.]
Pizarro, meanwhile, whom we left at Arequipa, had decided, after
much deliberation, to evacuate Peru, and pass into Chili. In
this territory, beyond the president's jurisdiction, he might
find a safe retreat. The fickle people, he thought, would soon
weary of their new ruler; and he would then rally in sufficient
strength to resume active operations for the recovery of his
domain. Such were the calculations of the rebel chieftain. But
how was he to effect his object, while the passes among the
mountains, where his route lay, were held by Centeno with a force
more than double his own? He resolved to try negotiation; for
that captain had once served under him, and had, indeed, been
most active in persuading Pizarro to take on himself the office
of procurator. Advancing, accordingly, in the direction of Lake
Titicaca, in the neighbourhood of which Centeno had pitched his
camp, Gonzalo despatched an emissary to his quarters to open a
negotiation. He called to his adversary's recollection the
friendly relations that had once subsisted between them; and
reminded him of one occasion in particular, in which he had
spared his life, when convicted of a conspiracy against himself.
He harboured no sentiments of unkindness, he said, for Centeno's
recent conduct, and had not now come to seek a quarrel with him.
His purpose was to abandon Peru; and the only favor he had to
request of his former associate was to leave him a free passage
across the mountains.

To this communication Centeno made answer in terms as courtly as
those of Pizarro himself, that he was not unmindful of their
ancient friendship. He was now ready to serve his former
commander in any way not inconsistent with honor, or obedience to
his sovereign. But he was there in arms for the royal cause, and
he could not swerve from his duty. If Pizarro would but rely on
his faith, and surrender himself up, he pledged his knightly word
to use all his interest with the government, to secure as
favorable terms for him and his followers as had been granted to
the rest of their countrymen - Gonzalo listened to the smooth
promises of his ancient comrade with bitter scorn depicted in his
countenance, and, snatching the letter from his secretary, cast
it away from him with indignation. There was nothing left but an
appeal to arms. *28
[Footnote 28: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Garcilasso,
Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 16. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru,
lib. 7.]
He at once broke up his encampment, and directed his march on the
borders of Lake Titicaca, near which lay his rival. He resorted,
however, to stratagem, that he might still, if possible, avoid an
encounter. He sent forward his scouts in a different direction
from that which he intended to take, and then quickened his march
on Huarina. This was a small town situated on the southeastern
extremity of Lake Titicaca, the shores of which, the seat of the
primitive civilization of the Incas, were soon to resound with
the murderous strife of their more civilized conquerors!

But Pizarro's movements had been secretly communicated to
Centeno, and that commander, accordingly, changing his ground,
took up a position not far from Huarina, on the same day on which
Gonzalo reached this place. The videttes of the two camps came in
sight of each other that evening, and the rival forces, lying on
their arms, prepared for action on the following morning.

It was the twenty-sixth of October, 1547, when the two
commanders, having formed their troops in order of battle,
advanced to the encounter on the plains of Huarina. The ground,
defended on one side by a bold spur of the Andes, and not far
removed on the other from the waters of Titicaca, was an open and
level plain, well suited to military manoeuvres. It seemed as if
prepared by Nature as the lists for an encounter.
Centeno's army amounted to about a thousand men. His cavalry
consisted of near two hundred and fifty, well equipped and
mounted. Among them were several gentlemen of family, some of
whom had once followed the banners of Pizarro, the whole forming
an efficient corps, in which rode some of the best lances of
Peru. His arquebusiers were less numerous, not exceeding a
hundred and fifty, indifferently provided with ammunition. The
remainder, and much the larger part of Centeno's army, consisted
of spearmen, irregular levies hastily drawn together, and
possessed of little discipline. *29

[Footnote 29: In the estimate of Centeno's forces, - which
ranges, in the different accounts, from seven hundred to twelve
hundred, - I have taken the intermediate number of a thousand
adopted by Zarate, as, on the whole, more probable than either
extreme.]

This corps of infantry formed the centre of his line, flanked by
the arquebusiers in two nearly equal divisions, while his cavalry
were also disposed in two bodies on the right and left wings.
Unfortunately, Centeno had been for the past week ill of a
pleurisy, - so ill, indeed, that on the preceding day he had been
bled several times. He was now too feeble to keep his saddle,
but was carried in a litter, and when he had seen his men formed
in order, he withdrew to a distance from the field, unable to
take part in the action. But Solano, the militant bishop of
Cuzco, who, with several of his followers, took part in the
engagement, - a circumstance, indeed, of no strange occurrence, -
rode along the ranks with the crucifix in his hand, bestowing his
benediction on the soldiers, and exhorting each man to do his
duty.

Pizarro's forces were less than half of his rival's, not
amounting to more than four hundred and eighty men. The horse
did not muster above eighty-five in all, and he posted them in a
single body on the right of his battalion. The strength of his
army lay in his arquebusiers, about three hundred and fifty in
number. It was an admirable corps, commanded by Carbajal, by
whom it had been carefully drilled. Considering the excellence
of its arms, and its thorough discipline, this little body of
infantry might be considered as the flower of the Peruvian
soldiery, and on it Pizarro mainly relied for the success of the
day. *30 The remainder of his force, consisting of pikemen, not
formidable for their numbers, though, like the rest of the
infantry, under excellent discipline, he distributed on the left
of his musketeers, so as to repel the enemy's horse.

[Footnote 30: Flor de la milicia del Peru, says Garcilasso de la
Vega, who compares Carbajal to an expert chess-player, disposing
his pieces in such a manner as must infallibly secure him the
victory. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 18.]

Pizarro himself had charge of the cavalry, taking his place, as
usual, in the foremost rank. He was superbly accoutred. Over
his shining mail he wore a sobre-vest of slashed velvet of a rich
crimson color, and he rode a high-mettled charger, whose gaudy
caparisons, with the showy livery of his rider, made the fearless
commander the most conspicuous object in the field.

His lieutenant, Carbajal, was equipped in a very different style.
He wore armour of proof of the most homely appearance, but strong
and serviceable; and his steel bonnet, with its closely barred
visor of the same material, protected his head from more than one
desperate blow on that day. Over his arms he wore a surcoat of a
greenish color, and he rode an active, strong-boned jennet,
which, though capable of enduring fatigue, possessed neither
grace nor beauty. It would not have been easy to distinguish the
veteran from the most ordinary cavalier.
The two hosts arrived within six hundred paces of each other,
when they both halted. Carbajal preferred to receive the attack
of the enemy, rather than advance further; for the ground he now
occupied afforded a free range for his musketry, unobstructed by
the trees or bushes that were sprinkled over some other parts of
the field. There was a singular motive, in addition, for
retaining his present position. The soldiers were encumbered,
some with two, some with three, arquebuses each, being the arms
left by those who, from time to time, had deserted the camp. This
uncommon supply of muskets, however serious an impediment on a
march, might afford great advantage to troops waiting an assault;
since, from the imperfect knowledge as well as construction of
fire-arms at that day, much time was wasted in loading them. *31

[Footnote 31: Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.

The historian's father - of the same name with himself - was one
of the few noble cavaliers who remained faithful to Gonzalo
Pizarro, in the wane of his fortunes. He was present at the
battle of Huarina; and the particulars which he gave his son
enabled the latter to supply many deficiencies in the reports of
historians.]

Preferring, therefore, that the enemy should begin the attack,
Carbajal came to a halt, while the opposite squadron, after a
short respite, continued their advance a hundred paces farther.
Seeing that they then remained immovable, Carbajal detached a
small party of skirmishers to the front, in order to provoke
them; but it was soon encountered by a similar party of the
enemy, and some shots were exchanged, though with little damage
to either side. Finding this manoeuvre fail, the veteran ordered
his men to advance a few paces, still hoping to provoke his
antagonist to the charge. This succeeded. "We lose honor,"
exclaimed Centeno's soldiers; who, with a bastard sort of
chivalry, belonging to undisciplined troops, felt it a disgrace
to await an assault. In vain their officers called out to them
to remain at their post. Their commander was absent, and they
were urged on by the cries of a frantic friar, named Domingo
Ruiz, who, believing the Philistines were delivered into their
hands, called out, - "Now is the time! Onward, onward, fall on
the enemy!" *32 There needed nothing further and the men rushed
forward in tumultuous haste, the pikemen carrying their levelled
weapons so heedlessly as to interfere with one another, and in
some instances to wound their comrades. The musketeers, at the
same time, kept up a disorderly fire as they advanced, which,
from their rapid motion and the distance, did no execution.

[Footnote 32: "A las manos, a las manos; a ellos, a ellos."
Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.]

Carbajal was well pleased to see his enemies thus wasting their
ammunition. Though he allowed a few muskets to be discharged, in
order to stimulate his opponents the more, he commanded the great
body of his infantry to reserve their fire till every shot could
take effect. As he knew the tendency of marksmen to shoot above
the mark, he directed his men to aim at the girdle, or even a
little below it; adding, that a shot that fell short might still
do damage, while one that passed a hair's breadth above the head
was wasted. *33

[Footnote 33: Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra.]

The veteran's company stood calm and unmoved, as Centeno's
rapidly advanced; but when the latter had arrived within a
hundred paces of their antagonists, Carbajal gave the word to
fire. An instantaneous volley ran along the line, and a tempest
of balls was poured into the ranks of the assailants, with such
unerring aim, that more than a hundred fell dead on the field,
while a still greater number were wounded. Before they could
recover from their disorder, Carbajal's men, snatching up their
remaining pieces, discharged them with the like dreadful effect
into the thick of the enemy. The confusion of the latter was now
complete. Unable to sustain the incessant shower of balls which
fell on them from the scattering fire kept up by the
arquebusiers, they were seized with a panic, and fled, scarcely
making a show of further fight, from the field.
But very different was the fortune of the day in the cavalry
combat. Gonzalo Pizarro had drawn up his troop somewhat in the
rear of Carbajal's right, in order to give the latter a freer
range for the play of his musketry. When the enemy's horse on
the left galloped briskly against him, Pizarro, still favoring
Carbajal, - whose fire, moreover, inflicted some loss on the
assailants, - advanced but a few rods to receive the charge.
Centeno's squadron, accordingly, came thundering on in full
career, and, notwithstanding the mischief sustained from their
enemy's musketry, fell with such fury on their adversaries as to
overturn them, man and horse, in the dust; "riding over their
prostrate bodies," says the historian, "as if they had been a
flock of sheep!" *34 The latter, with great difficulty recovering
from the first shock, attempted to rally and sustain the fight on
more equal terms.

[Footnote 34: "Los de Diego Centeno, como yuan con la pujanca de
vna zariera larga, lleuaron a los de Goncalo Picarro de
encuentro, y los tropellaron como si fueran ouejas, y cayeron
cauallos y caualleros." Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 19]

Yet the chief could not regain the ground he had lost. His men
were driven back at all points. Many were slain, many more
wounded, on both sides, and the ground was covered with the dead
bodies of men and horses. But the loss fell much the most heavily
on Pizarro's troop; and the greater part of those who escaped
with life were obliged to surrender as prisoners. Cepeda, who
fought with the fury of despair, received a severe cut from a
sabre across the face, which disabled him and forced him to
yield. *35 Pizarro, after seeing his best and bravest fall around
him, was set upon by three or four cavaliers at once.
Disentangling himself from the melee, he put spurs to his horse,
and the noble animal, bleeding from a severe wound across the
back, outstripped all his pursuers except one, who stayed him by
seizing the bridle. It would have gone hard with Gonzalo, but,
grasping a light battle-axe, which hung by his side, he dealt
such a blow on the head of his enemy's horse that he plunged
violently, and compelled his rider to release his hold. A number
of arquebusiers, in the mean time, seeing Pizarro's distress,
sprang forward to his rescue, slew two of his assailants who had
now come up with him, and forced the others to fly in their turn.
*36

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