The History Of The Conquest Of Peru

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[Footnote 35: Cepeda's wound laid open his nose, leaving so
hideous a scar that he was obliged afterwards to cover it with a
patch, as Garcilasso tells us, who frequently saw him in Cuzco.]

[Footnote 36: According to most authorities, Pizarro's horse was
not only wounded but slain in the fight, and the loss was
supplied by his friend Garcilasso de la Vega, who mounted him on
his own. This timely aid to the rebel did no service to the
generous cavalier in after times, but was urged against him by
his enemies as a crime. The fact is stoutly denied by his son,
the historian, who seems anxious to relieve his father from this
honorable imputation, which threw a cloud over both their
fortunes Ibid. Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 23]

The rout of the cavalry was complete, and Pizarro considered the
day as lost, as he heard the enemy's trumpet sending forth the
note of victory. But the sounds had scarcely died away, when
they were taken up by the opposite side. Centeno's infantry had
been discomfited, as we have seen, and driven off the ground.
But his cavalry on the right had charged Carbajal's left,
consisting of spearmen mingled with arquebusiers. The horse rode
straight against this formidable phalanx. But they were unable
to break through the dense array of pikes, held by the steady
hands of troops who stood firm and fearless on their post; while,
at the same time, the assailants were greatly annoyed by the
galling fire of the arquebusiers in the rear of the spearmen.
Finding it impracticable to make a breach, the horsemen rode
round the flanks in much disorder, and finally joined themselves
with the victorious squadron of Centeno's cavalry in the rear.
Both parties now attempted another charge on Carbajal's
battalion. But his men facing about with the promptness and
discipline of well-trained soldiers, the rear was converted into
the front. The same forest of spears was presented to the
attack; while an incessant discharge of balls punished the
audacity of the cavaliers, who, broken and completely dispirited
by their ineffectual attempt, at length imitated the example of
the panic-struck foot, and abandoned the field.
Pizarro and a few of his comrades still fit for action followed
up the pursuit for a short distance only, as, indeed, they were
in no condition themselves, nor sufficiently strong in numbers,
long to continue it. The victory was complete, and the insurgent
chief took possession of the deserted tents of the enemy, where
an immense booty was obtained in silver; *37 and where he also
found the tables spread for the refreshment of Centeno's soldiers
after their return from the field. So confident were they of
success! The repast now served the necessities of their
conquerors. Such is the fortune of war! It was, indeed, a most
decisive action; and Gonzalo Pizarro, as he rode over the field
strewed with the corpses of his enemies, was observed several
times to cross himself and exclaim, - "Jesu! what a victory!"

[Footnote 37: The booty amounted to no less than one million four
hundred thousand pesos, according to Fernandez. 'El saco que vuo
fue grande: que se dixo ser de mas de vn millon y quatrocietos
mil pesos." (Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.) The
amount is, doubtless, grossly exaggerated. But we get to be so
familiar with the golden wonders of Peru, that, like the reader
of the "Arabian Nights," we become of too easy faith to resort to
the vulgar standard of probability]

No less than three hundred and fifty of Centeno's followers were
killed, and the number of wounded was even greater. More than a
hundred of these are computed to have perished from exposure
during the following night; for, although the climate in this
elevated region is temperate, yet the night winds blowing over
the mountains are sharp and piercing, and many a wounded wretch,
who might have been restored by careful treatment, was chilled by
the damps, and found a stiffened corpse at sunrise. The victory
was not purchased without a heavy loss on the part of the
conquerors, a hundred or more of whom were left on the field.
Their bodies lay thick on that part of the ground occupied by
Pizarro's cavalry, where the fight raged hottest. In this narrow
space were found, also, the bodies of more than a hundred horses,
the greater part of which, as well as those of their riders,
usually slain with them, belonged to the victorious army. It was
the most fatal battle that had yet been fought on the
blood-stained soil of Peru. *38

[Footnote 38: "La mas sangrienta batalla que vuo en el Peru."
Ibid., loc. cit.

In the accounts of this battle there are discrepancies, as usual,
which the historian must reconcile as he can. But on the whole,
there is a general conformity in the outline and in the prominent
points. All concur in representing it as the bloodiest fight
that had yet occurred between the Spaniards in Peru, and all
assign to Carbajal the credit of the victory. - For authorities,
besides Garcilasso and Fernandez, repeatedly quoted, see Pedro
Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. (He was present in the action.) -
Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap 3. - Herrera, Hist. General,
dec 8, lib. 4, cap. 2. - Gomara, Hist de las Indias, cap. 181. -
Montesi nos, Annales, Ms., ano 1547]

The glory of the day - the melancholy glory - must be referred
almost wholly to Carbajal and his valiant squadron. The
judicious arrangements of the old warrior, with the thorough
discipline and unflinching courage of his followers, retrieved
the fortunes of the fight, when it was nearly lost by the
cavalry, and secured the victory.

Carbajal, proof against all fatigue, followed up the pursuit with
those of his men that were in condition to join him. Such of the
unhappy fugitives as fell into his hands - most of whom had been
traitors to the cause of Pizarro - were sent to instant
execution. The laurels he had won in the field against brave men
in arms, like himself, were tarnished by cruelty towards his
defenceless captives. Their commander, Centeno, more fortunate,
made his escape. Finding the battle lost, he quitted his litter,
threw himself upon his horse, and, notwithstanding his illness,
urged on by the dreadful doom that awaited him, if taken, he
succeeded in making his way into the neighbouring sierra. Here
he vanished from his pursuers, and, like a wounded stag, with the
chase close upon his track, he still contrived to elude it, by
plunging into the depths of the forests, till, by a circuitous
route, he miraculously succeeded in effecting his escape to Lima.
The bishop of Cuzco, who went off in a different direction, was
no less fortunate. Happy for him that he did not fall into the
hands of the ruthless Carbajal, who, as the bishop had once been
a partisan of Pizarro, would, to judge from the little respect he
usually showed those of his cloth, have felt as little
compunction in sentencing him to the gibbet as if he had been the
meanest of the common file. *39

[Footnote 39: Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Fernandez,
Hist.del Peru, ubi supra. - Zarate, lib. 7, cap. 3. -
Garcilasso, Com Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 21, 22]

On the day following the action, Gonzalo Pizarro caused the
bodies of the soldiers, still lying side by side on the field
where they had been so lately engaged together in mortal strife,
to be deposited in a common sepulchre. Those of higher rank -
for distinctions of rank were not to be forgotten in the grave -
were removed to the church of the village of Huarina, which gave
its name to the battle. There they were interred with all
fitting solemnity. But in later times they were transported to
the cathedral church of La Paz, "The City of Peace," and laid
under a mausoleum erected by general subscription in that
quarter. For few there were who had not to mourn the loss of
some friend or relative on that fatal day.

The victor now profited by his success to send detachments to
Arequipa, La Plata, and other cities in that part of the country,
to raise funds and reinforcements for the war. His own losses
were more than compensated by the number of the vanquished party
who were content to take service under his banner. Mustering his
forces, he directed his march to Cuzco, which capital, though
occasionally seduced into a display of loyalty to the Crown, had
early manifested an attachment to his cause.
Here the inhabitants were prepared to receive him in triumph,
under arches thrown across the streets, with bands of music, and
minstrelsy commemorating his successes. But Pizarro, with more
discretion, declined the honors of an ovation while the country
remained in the hands of his enemies. Sending forward the main
body of his troops, he followed on foot, attended by a slender
retinue of friends and citizens, and proceeded at once to the
cathedral, where thanksgivings were offered up, and Te Deum was
chanted in honor of his victory. He then withdrew to his
residence, announcing his purpose to establish his quarters, for
the present, in the venerable capital of the Incas. *40

[Footnote 40: Ibid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. - Pedro Pizarro,
Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 3.

Garcilasso de la Vega, who was a boy at the time, witnessed
Pizarro's entry into Cuzco. He writes, therefore, from memory;
though after an interval of many years. In consequence of his
father's rank, he had easy access to the palace of Pizarro; and
this portion of his narrative may claim the consideration due not
merely to a contemporary, but to an eyewitness.]

All thoughts of a retreat into Chili were abandoned; for his
recent success had kindled new hopes in his bosom, and revived
his ancient confidence. He trusted that it would have a similar
effect on the vacillating temper of those whose fidelity had been
shaken by fears for their own safety, and their distrust of his
ability to cope with the president. They would now see that his
star was still in the ascendant. Without further apprehensions
for the event, he resolved to remain in Cuzco, and there quietly
await the hour when a last appeal to arms should decide which of
the two was to remain master of Peru.

Chapter III

Dismay In Gasca's Camp. - His Winter Quarters. - Resumes His
March. - Crosses The Apurimac. - Pizarro's Conduct In Cuzco. - He
Encamps Near The City. - Rout Of Xaquixa Guana.

1547-1548.

While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were passing,
President Gasca had remained at Xauxa, awaiting further tidings
from Centeno, little doubting that they would inform him of the
total discomfiture of the rebels. Great was his dismay,
therefore, on learning the issue of the fatal conflict at
Huarina, - that the royalists had been scattered far and wide
before the sword of Pizarro, while their commander had vanished
like an apparition, *1 leaving the greatest uncertainty as to his
fate.

[Footnote 1: "Y salio a la Ciudad de los Reyes, sin que Carbajal,
ni alguno de los suyos supiesse por donde fue, sino que parecio
encantamiento." Garcilasso, Com. Real. Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 22.]
The intelligence spread general consternation among the soldiers,
proportioned to their former confidence; and they felt it was
almost hopeless to contend with a man who seemed protected by a
charm that made him invincible against the greatest odds. The
president, however sore his disappointment, was careful to
conceal it, while he endeavoured to restore the spirits of his
followers. "They had been too sanguine," he said, "and it was in
this way that Heaven rebuked their presumption. Yet it was but
in the usual course of events, that Providence, when it designed
to humble the guilty, should allow him to reach as high an
elevation as possible, that his fall might be the greater!"

But while Gasca thus strove to reassure the superstitious and the
timid, he bent his mind, with his usual energy, to repair the
injury which the cause had sustained by the defeat at Huarina.
He sent a detachment under Alvarado to Lima, to collect such of
the royalists as had fled thither from the field of battle, and
to dismantle the ships of their cannon, and bring them to the
camp. Another body was sent to Guamanga, about sixty leagues
from Cuzco, for the similar purpose of protecting the fugitives,
and also of preventing the Indian caciques from forwarding
supplies to the insurgent army in Cuzco. As his own forces now
amounted to considerably more than any his opponent could bring
against him, Gasca determined to break up his camp without
further delay, and march on the Inca capital *2

[Footnote 2: Gasca, according to Ondegardo, supported his army,
during his stay at Xauxa, from the Peruvian granaries in the
valley, as he found a quantity of maize still remaining in them
sufficient for several years' consumption. It is passing strange
that these depositaries should have been so long respected by the
hungry Conquerors. - "Cuando el Senor Presidente Gasca passo con
la gente de castigo de Gonzalo Pizarro por el Valle de Jauja,
estuvo alli siete semanas a lo que me acuerdo, se hallaron en
deposito maiz de cuatro y de tres y de dos anos mas de 15,000
hanegas junto al camino, e alli comio la gente." Ondegardo, Rel.
Seg., Ms.]
Quitting Xauxa, December 29, 1547, he passed through Guamanga,
and after a severe march, rendered particularly fatiguing by the
inclement state of the weather and the badness of the roads, he
entered the province of Andaguaylas. It was a fair and fruitful
country, and since the road beyond would take him into the depths
of a gloomy sierra, scarcely passable in the winter snows, Gasca
resolved to remain in his present quarters until the severity of
the season was mitigated. As many of the troops had already
contracted diseases from exposure to the incessant rains, he
established a camp hospital; and the good president personally
visited the quarters of the sick, ministering to their wants, and
winning their hearts by his sympathy. *3

[Footnote 3: Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 4. - Fernandez,
Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 82-85. - Pedro Pizarro,
Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Cieza de Leon, cap. 90]

Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by the continual
arrival of reinforcements; for notwithstanding the shock that was
caused throughout the country by the first tidings of Pizarro's
victory, a little reflection convinced the people that the right
was the strongest, and must eventually prevail. There came,
also, with these levies, several of the most distinguished
captains in the country. Centeno, burning to retrieve his late
disgrace, after recovering from his illness, joined the camp with
his followers from Lima. Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito,
who, as the reader will remember, had shared in the defeat of
Blasco Nunez in the north, came with another detachment; and was
soon after followed by Valdivia, the famous conqueror of Chili,
who, having returned to Peru to gather recruits for his
expedition, had learned the state of the country, and had thrown
himself, without hesitation, into the same scale with the
president, though it brought him into collision with his old
friend and comrade, Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this last
ally was greeted with general rejoicing by the camp; for
Valdivia, schooled in the Italian wars, was esteemed the most
accomplished soldier in Peru; and Gasca complimented him by
declaring "he would rather see him than a reinforcement of eight
hundred men!" *4

[Footnote 4: At least, so says Valdivia in his letter to the
emperor. "I dixo publico que estimara mas mi persona que a los
mejores ochocientos hombres de guerra que l pudieran venir
aquella hora." Carta de Valdivia, Ms.]

Besides these warlike auxiliaries, the president was attended by
a train of ecclesiastics and civilians, such as was rarely found
in the martial fields of Peru. Among them were the bishops of
Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the four judges of the new Audience, and
a considerable number of churchmen and monkish missionaries. *5
However little they might serve to strengthen his arm in battle,
their presence gave authority and something of a sacred character
to the cause, which had their effect on the minds of the
soldiers.

[Footnote 5: Zarate, Ms.]

The wintry season now began to give way before the mild influence
of spring, which makes itself early felt in these tropical, but
from their elevation temperate, regions; and Gasca, after nearly
three months' detention in Andaguaylas, mustered his levies for
the final march upon Cuzco. *6 Their whole number fell little
short of two thousand, - the largest European force yet assembled
in Peru. Nearly half were provided with fire-arms; and infantry
was more available than horse in the mountain countries which
they were to traverse. But his cavalry was also numerous, and he
carried with him a train of eleven heavy guns. The equipment and
discipline of the troops were good; they were well provided with
ammunition and military stores; and were led by officers whose
names were associated with the most memorable achievements in the
New World. All who had any real interest in the weal of the
country were to be found, in short, under the president's banner,
making a striking contrast to the wild and reckless adventurers
who now swelled the ranks of Pizarro.
[Footnote 6: Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 90.

The old chronicler, or rather geographer, Cieza de Leon, was
present in the campaign, he tells us; so that his testimony,
always good, becomes for the remaining events of more than usual
value]

Gasca, who did not affect a greater knowledge of military affairs
than he really possessed, had given the charge of his forces to
Hinojosa, naming the Marshal Alvarado as second in command.
Valdivia, who came after these dispositions had been made,
accepted a colonel's commission, with the understanding that he
was to be consulted and employed in all matters of moment. *7 -
Having completed his arrangements, the president broke up his
camp in March, 1548, and moved upon Cuzco.

[Footnote 7: Valdivia, indeed, claims to have had the whole
command intrusted to him by Gasca "Luego me dio el autoridad toda
que traia de parte de V. M. para en los casos ocantes a la
guerra, i me encargo todo el exercito, i le puso baxo de mi mano
rogando i pidiendo por merced de su parte a todos aquellos
caballeros capitanes e gente de guerra, i de la de V. M.
mandandoles me obedesciesen en todo lo que les mandase acerca de
la guerra, i cumpliesen mis mandamientos como los suyos." (Carta
de Valdivia, Ms.) But other authorities state it, with more
probability, as given in the text. Valdivia, it must be
confessed, loses nothing from modesty. The whole of his letter to
the emperor is written in a strain of self-glorification, rarely
matched even by a Castilian hidalgo.]
The first obstacle to his progress was the river Abancay, the
bridge over which had been broken down by the enemy. But as
there was no force to annoy them on the opposite bank, the army
was not long in preparing a new bridge, and throwing it across
the stream, which in this place had nothing formidable in its
character. The road now struck into the heart of a mountain
region, where woods, precipices, and ravines were mingled
together in a sort of chaotic confusion, with here and there a
green and sheltered valley, glittering like an island of verdure
amidst the wild breakers of a troubled ocean! The bold peaks of
the Andes, rising far above the clouds, were enveloped in snow,
which descending far down their sides, gave a piercing coldness
to the winds that swept over their surface, until men and horses
were benumbed and stiffened under their influence. The roads, in
these regions, were in some places so narrow and broken, as to be
nearly impracticable for cavalry. The cavaliers were compelled
to dismount; and the president, with the rest, performed the
journey on foot, so hazardous, that, even in later times, it has
been no uncommon thing for the sure-footed mule to be
precipitated, with its cargo of silver, thousands of feet down
the sheer sides of a precipice. *8
[Footnote 8: Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91.]

By these impediments of the ground, the march was so retarded,
that the troops seldom accomplished more than two leagues a day.
*9 Fortunately, the distance was not great; and the president
looked with more apprehension to the passage of the Apurimac,
which he was now approaching. This river, one of the most
formidable tributaries of the Amazon, rolls its broad waters
through the gorges of the Cordilleras, that rise up like an
immense rampart of rock on either side, presenting a natural
barrier which it would be easy for an enemy to make good against
a force much superior to his own. The bridges over this river,
as Gasca learned before his departure from Andaguaylas, had been
all destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly, had sent
to explore the banks of the stream, and determine the most
eligible spot for reestablishing communications with the opposite
side.

[Footnote 9: Ms. de Caravantes 2 L 2]

The place selected was near the Indian village of Cotapampa,
about nine leagues from Cuzco; for the river, though rapid and
turbulent from being compressed within more narrow limits, was
here less than two hundred paces in width; a distance, however,
not inconsiderable. Directions had been given to collect
materials in large quantities in the neighbourhood of this spot
as soon as possible; and at the same time, in order to perplex
the enemy and compel him to divide his forces, should he be
disposed to resist, materials in smaller quantities were
assembled on three other points of the river. The officer
stationed in the neighbourhood of Cotapampa was instructed not to
begin to lay the bridge, till the arrival of a sufficient force
should accelerate the work, and insure its success.

The structure in question, it should be remembered, was one of
those suspension bridges formerly employed by the Incas, and
still used in crossing the deep and turbulent rivers of South
America. They are made of osier withes, twisted into enormous
cables, which, when stretched across the water, are attached to
heavy blocks of masonry, or, where it will serve, to the natural
rock. Planks are laid transversely across these cables, and a
passage is thus secured, which, notwithstanding the light and
fragile appearance of the bridge, as it swings at an elevation
sometimes of several hundred feet above the abyss, affords a
tolerably safe means of conveyance for men, and even for such
heavy burdens as artillery. *10

[Footnote 10: Fernandez, Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap.
86, 87. - Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 5. - Pedro
Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. - Ms. de Caravantes. - Carta de
Valdivia, Ms. - Relacion del Lic. Gasca, Ms.]

Notwithstanding the peremptory commands of Gasca, the officer
intrusted with collecting the materials for the bridge was so
anxious to have the honor of completing the work himself, that he
commenced it at once. The president, greatly displeased at
learning this, quickened his march, in order to cover the work
with his whole force. But, while toiling through the mountain
labyrinth, tidings were brought him that a party of the enemy had
demolished the small portion of the bridge already made, by
cutting the cables on the opposite bank. Valdivia, accordingly,
hastened forward at the head of two hundred arquebusiers, while
the main body of the army followed with as much speed as
practicable.
That officer, on reaching the spot, found that the interruption
had been caused by a small party of Pizarro's followers, not
exceeding twenty in number assisted by a stronger body of
Indians. He at once caused balsas, broad and clumsy barks, or
rather rafts, of the country, to be provided, and by this means
passed his men over, without opposition to the other side of the
river. The enemy, disconcerted by the arrival of such a force,
retreated and made the best of their way to report the affair to
their commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Valdivia, who saw the
importance of every moment in the present crisis, pushed forward
the work with the greatest vigor. Through all that night his
weary troops continued the labor, which was already well
advanced, when the president and his battalions, emerging from
the passes of the Cordilleras, presented themselves at sunrise on
the opposite bank.

Little time was given for repose, as all felt assured that the
success of their enterprise hung on the short respite now given
them by the improvident enemy. The president, with his principal
officers, took part in the labor with the common soldiers; *11
and before ten o'clock in the evening, Gasca had the satisfaction
to see the bridge so well secured, that the leading files of the
army, unencumbered by their baggage, might venture to cross it.
A short time sufficed to place several hundred men on the other
bank. But here a new difficulty, not less formidable than that
of the river, presented itself to the troops. The ground rose up
with an abrupt, almost precipitous, swell from the river-side,
till, in the highest peaks, it reached an elevation of several
thousand feet. This steep ascent, though not to its full height,
indeed, was now to be surmounted. The difficulties of the
ground, broken up into fearful chasms and water-courses, and
tangled with thickets, were greatly increased by the darkness of
the night; and the soldiers, as they toiled slowly upward, were
filled with apprehension, akin to fear, from the uncertainty
whether each successive step might not bring them into an
ambuscade, for which the ground was so favorable. More than
once, the Spaniards were thrown into a panic by false reports
that the enemy were upon them. But Hinojosa and Valdivia were at
hand to rally their men, and cheer them on, until, at length,
before dawn broke, the bold cavaliers and their followers placed
themselves on the highest point traversed by the road, where they
waited the arrival of the president. This was not long delayed;
and in the course of the following morning, the royalists were
already in sufficient strength to bid defiance to their enemy.