Anabasis

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[1] Can this be the same man whose escape is so graphically described
above?

After this, they breakfasted and crossed the river Zapatas, marching
in regular order, with the beasts and mob of the army in the middle.
They had not advanced far on their route when Mithridates made his
appearance again, with about a couple of hundred horsemen at his back,
and bowmen and slingers twice as many, as nimble fellows as a man
might hope to see. He approached the Hellenes as if he were friendly;
but when they had got fairly to close quarters, all of a sudden some
of them, whether mounted or on foot, began shooting with their bows
and arrows, and another set with slings, wounding the men. The
rearguard of the Hellenes suffered for a while severely without being
able to retaliate, for the Cretans had a shorter range than the
Persians, and at the same time, being light-armed troops, they lay
cooped up within the ranks of the heavy infantry, while the javelin
men again did not shoot far enough to reach the enemy's slingers. This
being so, Xenophon thought there was nothing for it but to charge, and
charge they did; some of the heavy and light infantry, who were
guarding the rear, with him; but for all their charging they did not
catch a single man.

The dearth of cavalry told against the Hellenes; nor were their
infantry able to overhaul the enemy's infantry, with the long start
they had, and considering the shortness of the race, for it was out of
the question to pursue them far from the main body of the army. On the 10
other hand, the Asiatic cavalry, even while fleeing, poured volleys of
arrows behind their backs, and wounded the pursuers; while the
Hellenes must fall back fighting every step of the way they had
measured in the pursuit; so that by the end of that day they had not
gone much more than three miles; but in the late afternoon they
reached the villages.

Here there was a return of the old despondency. Cheirisophus and the
eldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for leaving the main body to
give chase and endangering himself thereby, while he could not damage
the enemy one whit the more. Xenophon admitted that they were right in
blaming him: no better proof of that was wanted than the result. "The
fact is," he added, "I was driven to pursue; it was too trying to look
on and see our men suffer so badly, and be unable to retaliate.
However, when we did charge, there is no denying the truth of what you
say; we were not a whit more able to injure the enemy, while we had
considerable difficulty in beating a retreat ourselves. Thank heaven
they did not come upon us in any great force, but were only a handful
of men; so that the injury they did us was not large, as it might have
been; and at least it has served to show us what we need. At present
the enemy shoot and sling beyond our range, so that our Cretan archers
are no match for them; our hand-throwers cannot reach as far; and when
we pursue, it is not possible to push the pursuit to any great
distance from the main body, and within the short distance no
foot-soldier, however fleet of foot, could overtake another
foot-soldier who has a bow-shot the start of him. If, then, we are to
exclude them from all possibility of injuring us as we march, we must
get slingers as soon as possible and cavalry. I am told there are in
the army some Rhodians, most of whom, they say, know how to sling, and
their missile will reach even twice as far as the Persian slings
(which, on account of their being loaded with stones as big as one's
fist, have a comparatively short range; but the Rhodians are skilled
in the use of leaden bullets[2]). Suppose, then, we investigate and 18
find out first of all who among them possess slings, and for these
slings offer the owner the money value; and to another, who will plait
some more, hand over the money price; and for a third, who will
volunteer to be enrolled as a slinger, invent some other sort of
privilege, I think we shall soon find people to come forward capable
of helping us. There are horses in the army I know; some few with
myself, others belonging to Clearchus's stud, and a good many others
captured from the enemy, used for carrying baggage. Let us take the
pick of these, supplying their places by ordinary baggage animals, and
equipping the horses for cavalry. I should not wonder if our troopers
gave some annoyance to these fugitives."

[2] These words sound to me like an author's note, parenthetically,
and perhaps inadvertently, inserted into the text. It is an
"aside" to the reader, which in a modern book would appear as a
footnote.

These proposals were carried, and that night two hundred slingers were
enrolled, and next day as many as fifty horse and horsemen passed
muster as duly qualified; buff jackets and cuirasses were provided for
them, and a commandant of cavalry appointed to command--Lycius, the
son of Polystratus, by name, an Athenian.

IV

That day they remained inactive, but the next they rose earlier than 1
usual, and set out betimes, for they had a ravine to cross, where they
feared the enemy might attack them in the act of crossing. When they
were across, Mithridates appeared again with one thousand horse, and
archers and slingers to the number of four thousand. This whole body
he had got by request from Tissaphernes, and in return he undertook to
deliver up the Hellenes to Tissaphernes. He had grown contemptuous
since his late attack, when, with so small a detachment, he had done,
as he thought, a good deal of mischief, without the slightest loss to
himself.

When the Hellenes were not only right across, but had got about a mile
from the ravine, Mithridates also crossed with his forces. An order
had been passed down the lines, what light infantry and what heavy
infantry were to take part in the pursuit; and the cavalry were
instructed to follow up the pursuit with confidence, as a considerable 3
support was in their rear. So, when Mithridates had come up with them,
and they were well within arrow and sling shot, the bugle sounded the
signal to the Hellenes; and immediately the detachment under orders
rushed to close quarters, and the cavalry charged. There the enemy
preferred not to wait, but fled towards the ravine. In this pursuit
the Asiatics lost several of their infantry killed, and of their
cavalry as many as eighteen were taken prisoners in the ravine. As to
those who were slain the Hellenes, acting upon impulse, mutilated
their bodies, by way of impressing their enemy with as frightful an
image as possible.

So fared the foe and so fell back; but the Hellenes, continuing their
march in safety for the rest of that day, reached the river Tigris.
Here they came upon a large deserted city, the name of which was
Larissa[1]: a place inhabited by the Medes in days of old; the breadth
of its walls was twenty-five feet, and the height of them a hundred,
and the circuit of the whole two parasangs. It was built of
clay-bricks, supported on a stone basis twenty feet high. This city
the king of the Persians[2] besieged, what time the Persians strove to
snatch their empire from the Medes, but he could in no wise take it;
then a cloud hid the face of the sun and blotted out the light
thereof, until the inhabitants were gone out of the city, and so it
was taken. By the side of this city there was a stone pyramid in
breadth a hundred feet, and in height two hundred feet; in it were
many of the barbarians who had fled for refuge from the neighbouring
villages.

[1] Larissa, on the side of the modern Nimrud (the south-west corner,
as is commonly supposed, of Nineveh). The name is said to mean
"citadel," and is given to various Greek cities (of which several
occur in Xenophon).

[2] I.e. Cyrus the Great.

From this place they marched one stage of six parasangs to a great
deserted fortress [which lay over against the city], and the name of
that city was Mespila[3]. The Medes once dwelt in it. The basement was 10
made of polished stone full of shells; fifty feet was the breadth of
it, and fifty feet the height; and on this basement was reared a wall
of brick, the breadth whereof was fifty feet and the height thereof
four hundred; and the circuit of the wall was six parasangs. Hither,
as the story goes, Medea[4], the king's wife, betook herself in flight
what time the Medes lost their empire at the hands of the Persians. To
this city also the king of the Pesians laid siege, but could not take
it either by length of days or strength of hand. But Zeus sent
amazement on the inhabitants thereof, and so it was taken.

[3] Opposite Mosul, the north-west portion of the ancient Nineveh,
about eighteen miles above Larissa. The circuit of Nineveh is said
to have been about fifty-six miles. It was overthrown by Cyrus in
B.C. 558.

[4] The wife of Astyages, the last king of Media. Some think "the wall
of Media" should be "Medea's wall," constructed in the period of
Queen Nitocris, B.C. 560.

From this place they marched one stage--four parasangs. But, while
still on this stage, Tissaphernes made his appearance. He had with him
his own cavalry and a force belonging to Orontas, who had the king's
daughter to wife; and there were, moreover, with them the Asiatics
whom Cyrus had taken with him on his march up; together with those
whom the king's brother had brought as a reinforcement to the king;
besides those whom Tissaphernes himself had received as a gift from
the king, so that the armament appeared to be very great. When they
were close, he halted some of his regiments at the rear and wheeled
others into position on either flank, but hesitated to attack, having
no mind apparently to run any risks, and contenting himself with an
order to his slingers to sling and his archers to shoot. But when the
Rhodian slingers and the bowmen[5], posted at intervals, retaliated,
and every shot told (for with the utmost pains to miss it would have
been hard to do so under the circumstanecs), then Tissaphernes with
all speed retired out of range, the other regiments following suit;
and for the rest of the day the one party advanced and the other
followed. But now the Asiatics had ceased to be dangerous with their
sharpshooting. For the Rhodians could reach further than the Persian 16
slingers, or, indeed, than most of the bowmen. The Persian bows are of
great size, so that the Cretans found the arrows which were picked up
serviceable, and persevered in using their enemies' arrows, and
practised shooting with them, letting them fly upwards to a great
height[6]. There were also plenty of bowstrings found in the
villages--and lead, which they turned to account for their slings. As
a result of this day, then, the Hellenes chancing upon some villages
had no sooner encamped than the barbarians fell back, having had
distinctly the worst of it in the skirmishing.

[5] The best MSS read {Skuthai}, Scythians; if this is correct, it is
only the technical name for "archers." Cf. Arrian, "Tact." ii. 13.
The police at Athens were technically so called, as being composed
of Scythian slaves. Cf. Aristoph. "Thesm." 1017.

[6] I.e., in practising, in order to get the maximum range they let
fly the arrows, not horizontally, but up into the air. Sir W.
Raleigh (Hist. of the World, III. x. 8) says that Xenophon
"trained his archers to short compass, who had been accustomed to
the point blank," but this is surely not Xenophon's meaning.

The next day was a day of inaction: they halted and took in supplies,
as there was much corn in the villages; but on the day following, the
march was continued through the plain (of the Tigris), and
Tissaphernes still hung on their skirts with his skirmishers. And now
it was that the Hellenes discovered the defect of marching in a square
with an enemy following. As a matter of necessity, whenever the wings
of an army so disposed draw together, either where a road narrows, or
hills close in, or a bridge has to be crossed, the heavy infantry
cannot help being squeezed out of their ranks, and march with
difficulty, partly from actual pressure, and partly from the general
confusion that ensues. Or, supposing the wings are again extended, the
troops have hardly recovered from their former distress before they
are pulled asunder, and there is a wide space between the wings, and
the men concerned lose confidence in themselves, especially with an
enemy close behind. What happened, when a bridge had to be crossed or
other passage effected, was, that each unit of the force pressed on in
anxiety to get over first, and at these moments it was easy for the
enemy to make an attack. The generals accordingly, having recognised
the defect, set about curing it. To do so, they made six lochi, or
divisions of a hundred men apiece, each of which had its own set of
captains and under-officers in command of half and quarter companies. 21
It was the duty of these new companies, during a march, whenever the
flanks needed to close in, to fall back to the rear, so as to
disencumber the wings. This they did by wheeling clear of them. When
the sides of the oblong again extended, they filled up the
interstices, if the gap were narrow, by columns of companies, if
broader, by columns of half-companies, or, if broader still, by
columns of quarter-companies, so that the space between was always
filled up. If again it were necessary to effect a passage by bridge or
otherwise, there was no confusion, the several companies crossing in
turns; or, if the occasion arose to form in line of battle, these
companies came up to the front and fell in[7].

[7] In the passage above I have translated {lokhoi} companies, and, as
usual, {lokhagoi} captains. The half company is technically called
a pentecostys, and a quarter company an enomoty, and the officers
in charge of them respectively penteconter and enomotarch. These
would be equivalent nearly to our subalterns and sergeants, and in
the evolutions described would act as guides and markers in charge
of their sections. Grote thinks there were six companies formed on
each flank--twelve in all. See "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 123,
note (1st ed.)

In this way they advanced four stages, but ere the fifth was
completed, they came in sight of a palace of some sort, with villages
clustered round it; they could further see that the road leading to
this place pursued its course over high undulating hillocks, the spur
of the mountain range, under which lay the village. These knolls were
a welcome sight to the Hellenes, naturally enough, as the enemy were
cavalry. However, when they had issued from the plain and ascended the
first crest, and were in the act of descending it so as to mount the
next, at this juncture the barbarians came upon them. From the high
ground down the sheer steep they poured a volley of darts,
slingstones, and arrows, which they discharged "under the lash[8],"
wounding many, until they got the better of the Hellenic light troops,
and drove them for shelter behind the heavy infantry, so that this day
that arm was altogether useless, huddling in the mob of sutlers, both 26
slingers and archers alike.

[8] I.e. the Persian leaders were seen flogging their men to the
attack. Cf. Herod. vii. 22. 3.

But when the Hellenes, being so pressed, made an attempt to pursue,
they could barely scale to the summit, being heavy-armed troops, while
the enemy as lightly sprung away; and they suffered similarly in
retiring to join the rest of the army. And then, on the second hill,
the whole had to be gone through again; so that when it came to the
third hillock, they determined not to move the main body of troops
from their position until they had brought up a squadron of light
infantry from the right flank of the square to a point on the mountain
range. When this detachment were once posted above their pursuers, the
latter desisted from attacking the main body in its descent, for fear
of being cut off and finding themselves between two assailants. Thus
the rest of the day they moved on in two divisions: one set keeping to
the road by the hillocks, the other marching parallel on the higher
level along the mountains; and thus they reached the villages and
appointed eight surgeons to attend to the many wounded.

Here they halted three days for the sake of the wounded chiefly, while
a further inducement was the plentiful supply of provisions which they
found, wheat and wine, and large stores of barley laid up for horses.
These supplies had been collected by the ruling satrap of the country.
On the fourth day they began their descent into the plain; but when
Tissaphernes overtook them, necessity taught them to camp in the first
village they caught sight of, and give over the attempt of marching
and fighting simultaneously, as so many were hors de combat, being
either on the list of wounded themselves, or else engaged in carrying
the wounded, or laden with the heavy arms of those so occupied. But
when they were once encamped, and the barbarians, advancing upon the
village, made an attempt to harass them with their sharp-shooters, the
superiority of the Hellenes was pronounced. To sustain a running fight
with an enemy constantly attacking was one thing; to keep him at arm's
length from a fixed base of action another: and the difference was
much in their favour.

But when it was late afternoon, the time had come for the enemy to 34
withdraw, since the habit of the barbarian was never to encamp within
seven or eight miles of the Hellenic camp. This he did in apprehension
of a night attack, for a Persian army is good for nothing at night.
Their horses are haltered, and, as a rule, hobbled as well, to prevent
their escaping, as they might if loose; so that, if any alarm occurs,
the trooper has to saddle and bridle his horse, and then he must put
on his own cuirass, and then mount--all which performances are
difficult at night and in the midst of confusion. For this reason they
always encamped at a distance from the Hellenes.

When the Hellenes perceived that they were preparing to retire, and
that the order was being given, the herald's cry, "Pack up for
starting," might be heard before the enemy was fairly out of earshot.
For a while the Asiatics paused, as if unwilling to be gone; but as
night closed in, off they went, for it did not suit their notions of
expediency to set off on a march and arrive by night. And now, when
the Hellenes saw that they were really and clearly gone, they too
broke up their camp and pursued their march till they had traversed
seven and a half miles. Thus the distance between the two armies grew
to be so great, that the next day the enemy did not appear at all, nor
yet on the third day; but on the fourth the barbarians had pushed on
by a forced night march and occupied a commanding position on the
right, where the Hellenes had to pass. It was a narrow mountain
spur[9] overhanging the descent into the plain.

[9] Lit. "a mere nail tip."

But when Cheirisophus saw that this ridge was occupied, he summoned
Xenophon from the rear, bidding him at the same time to bring up
peltasts to the front. That Xenophon hesitated to do, for Tissaphernes
and his whole army were coming up and were well within sight.
Galloping up to the front himself, he asked: "Why do you summon me?"
The other answered him: "The reason is plain; look yonder; this crest
which overhangs our descent has been occupied. There is no passing, 39
until we have dislodged these fellows; why have you not brought up the
light infantry?" Xenophon explained: he had not thought it desirable
to leave the rear unprotected, with an enemy appearing in the field of
view. "However, it is time," he added, "to decide how we are to
dislodge these fellows from the crest." At this moment his eye fell on
the peak of the mountain, rising immediately above their army, and he
could see an approach leading from it to the crest in question where
the enemy lay. He exclaimed: "The best thing we can do, Cheirisophus,
is to make a dash at the height itself, and with what speed we may. If
we take it, the party in command of the road will never be able to
stop. If you like, stay in command of the army, and I will go; or, if
you prefer, do you go to the mountain, and I will stay here."--"I
leave it to you," Cheirisophus answered, "to choose which you like
best." Xenophon remarking, "I am the younger," elected to go; but he
stipulated for a detachment from the front to accompany him, since it
was a long way to fetch up troops from the rear. Accordingly
Cheirisophus furnished him with the light infantry from the front,
reoccupying their place by those from the centre. He also gave him, to
form part of the detachment, the three hundred of the picked corps[10]
under his own command at the head of the square.

[10] Some think that these three hundred are three of the detached
companies described above; others, that they were a picked corps
in attendance on the commander-in-chief.

They set out from the low ground with all the haste imaginable. But
the enemy in position on the crest no sooner perceived their advance
upon the summit of the pass than they themselves set off full tilt in
a rival race for the summit too. Hoarse were the shouts of the
Hellenic troops as the men cheered their companions forwards, and
hoarse the answering shouts from the troops of Tissaphernes, urging on
theirs. Xenophon, mounted on his charger, rode beside his men, and
roused their ardour the while. "Now for it, brave sirs; bethink you
that this race is for Hellas!--now or never!--to find your boys, your
wives; one small effort, and the rest of the march we shall pursue in
peace, without ever a blow to strike; now for it." But Soteridas the
Sicyonian said: "We are not on equal terms, Xenophon; you are mounted 47
on a horse; I can hardly get along with my shield to carry;" and he,
on hearing the reproach, leapt from his horse. In another instant he
had pushed Soteridas from the ranks, snatched from him his shield, and
begun marching as quickly as he might under the circumstances, having
his horseman's cuirass to carry as well, so that he was sore pressed;
but he continued to cheer on the troops: exhorting those in front to
lead on and the men toiling behind to follow up[11]. Soteridas was not
spared by the rest of the men. They gave him blows, they pelted him,
they showered him with abuse, till they compelled him to take back his
shield and march on; and the other, remounting, led them on horseback
as long as the footing held; but when the ground became too steep, he
left his horse and pressed forward on foot, and so they found
themselves on the summit before the enemy.

[11] Some MSS. "and the men behind to pass him by, as he could but ill
keep up the pace."

V

There and then the barbarians turned and fled as best they might, and 1
the Hellenes held the summit, while the troops with Tissaphernes and
Ariaeus turned aside and disappeared by another road. The main body
with Cheirisophus made its way down into the plain and encamped in a
village filled with good things of divers sorts. Nor did this village
stand alone; there were others not a few in this plain of the Tigris
equally overflowing with plenty. It was now afternoon; and all of a
sudden the enemy came in sight on the plain, and succeeded in cutting
down some of the Hellenes belonging to parties who were scattered over
the flat land in quest of spoil. Indeed, many herds of cattle had been
caught whilst being conveyed across to the other side of the river.
And now Tissaphernes and his troops made an attempt to burn the
villages, and some of the Hellenes were disposed to take the matter
deeply to heart, being apprehensive that they might not know where to
get provisions if the enemy burnt the villages.

Cheirisophus and his men were returning from their sally of defence
when Xenophon and his party descended, and the latter rode along the 4
ranks as the rescuing party came up, and greeted them thus: "Do you
not see, men of Hellas, they admit that the country is now ours; what
they stipulated against our doing when they made the treaty, viz. that
we were not to fire the king's country, they are now themselves
doing--setting fire to it as if it were not their own. But we will be
even with them; if they leave provisions for themselves anywhere,
there also shall they see us marching;" and, turning to Cheirisophus,
he added: "But it strikes me, we should sally forth against these
incendiaries and protect our country." Cheirisophus retorted: "That is
not quite my view; I say, let us do a little burning ourselves, and
they will cease all the quicker."

When they had got back to the villages, while the rest were busy about
provisions, the generals and officers met: and here there was deep
despondency. For on the one side were exceedingly high mountains; on
the other a river of such depth that they failed to reach the bottom
with their spears. In the midst of their perplexities, a Rhodian came
up with a proposal, as follows: "I am ready, sirs to carry you across,
four thousand heavy infantry at a time; if you will furnish me with
what I need and give me a talent into the bargain for my pains." When
asked, "What shall you need?" he replied: "Two thousand wine-skins. I
see there are plenty of sheep and goats and asses. They have only to
be flayed, and their skins inflated, and they will readily give us a
passage. I shall want also the straps which you use for the baggage
animals. With these I shall couple the skins to one another; then I
shall moor each skin by attaching stones and letting them down like
anchors into the water. Then I shall carry them across, and when I
have fastened the links at both ends, I shall place layers of wood on
them and a coating of earth on the top of that. You will see in a
minute that there's no danger of your drowning, for every skin will be
able to support a couple of men without sinking, and the wood and
earth will prevent your slipping off."

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